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. / . . ■ 

RIGHT AND WRONG 



IMO.VC.ST THE 



OLITIONISTS (JFTHE UNITED STATED. 



AVITH AN INTRODUCTORY LETTER BY 

HARRIET MARTINEAU, 

JTHOIl OF ''THE MARTYR AGE Op'tHB IINITKll STATES OF AMEIiICA 






^ntf ail ^jjpfntity. 



BY JOHN A. COLLINS, 

lEPRESENTATIVE OF TUE AMERICAN ANTT-SI. AVER Y SOCIETY. 

i 




6c 



" Let us meet 
And question this most shameful piece of woik, 
To know it furtfier. Fears and scruples shake us : 
In the great hand of God I stand : and thence, 
Against the undivulged pretence, I figlit. 
Of treasonous malice." Shak^peaiik. 



SECOND EDITION. 



GLASGOW: 

PUBLISHED BY GEO. GALLIE, 99, BUCHANAN STREET. 

BY JOUN SYMINGTON & CO. J. M'LEOD, & D. ROBERTSON, BOOKSELLERS ; 
AND BY WILLIAM SMEAL ; 
JBLIN, P. KENNEDY, OFFICE OF THE HIBERNIAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, 
28, ANGLESEA STREET. 

.AIDCCCXLI. • 



INTRODUCTION. 



The following Letter, to one of the most devoted among the Abolitionists 
in Great Britain, from Miss Martineau, the well-known and talented 
authoress of " The Martyr Age of the United States of America" con- 
tains sentiments so admirable, and gives such a clear exposition of the 
Causes of the Division among American Abolitionists, that it is inserted 
here, as an Introduction to this pamphlet : — 

Tynemoutii, Northumberland, 21 th Feb., 1841, 

My Dear Friend, — I have read the Statements in '< Right and 
Wrong among the Abolitionists of the United States," with respect to 
the Differences between the two Anti-Slavery Societies in America, with 
a strong and painful interest. I wish I could adequately express my sense 
of the duty of every one interested in the cause of the Negro, — of Human 
Freedom at large, — to read and deeply meditate this piece of history. I 
am not more firmly persuaded of any thing, than that those who, on tiie 
present occasion, listen to one side only, or refuse to hear either, are doing 
the deepcjst injury in their power to the Anti-Slavery cause, and sowing 
the seeds of a bitter future repentance. 

I am aware how distasteful are the details of a strife. I know but too 
well, from my own experience, how natural it is to turn away, with a faint 
and sickening heart, from the exposure of the enmities of those whose 
first friendship sprang up in the field of benevolent labours. I fully 
understand the feelings of offended delicacy which would close the cars 
and seal the lips of those who have been fellow-workers with both the 
parties now alienated. Among all these causes of recoil, I see how it is 
but too probable that the Anti-Slavery parties on the other side of the 
Atlantic may be left by many of their British brethren to " settle their 
own affairs," to " fight their own battles." But if I had a voice which 
would penetrate wherever I wished, I would ask in the depths of every 
heart that feels for the Slave whether it should be so ; — whether such 
indifference and recoil may not be as criminal in us as dissension in them ; 
— whether, in declining to do justice to the true friends of the Slave, (on 
whichever side they may appear to be) we may not be guilty of treachery 
as fatal as compromising with his enemies. 

Those who devote themselves to the redemption of an oppressed class or 
race do, by their act of self-devotion, pledge themselves to the discharge 
of the lowest and most irksome offices of protection, as much as to that of 
the most cordial and animating. We are bound, not only to fight against 
foes whom we never saw, and upon whom our sympathies never rested ; — 
not only to work for millions of poor creatures, so grateful for our care, 
that they are ready to kiss the hera of our garments. Tliis kind of 



service, however lavish it may require us to be of our labour, our time, 
our iHoney, is easy enough in comparison with one which is equally 
binding upon us. It is also our duty to withdraw our sympathy and 
countenance from our fellow-labourers, (however great their former merits 
and our love,) when they compromise the cause. It is our duty to expose 
their guilt when, by their act of compromise, the}' oppress and betray 
those brethren whose nobleness is a rebuke to themselves. This painful 
duty may every friend of the Negro in this country now find himself 
called upon to discharge, if he gives due attention to the state of Anti- 
Slavery aflairs in America. If he does not give this attention, it would 
be better for him that he never named the Negro and his cause : for it is 
.surely better to stand aloof from a philanthro])ic enterprise than to mix 
up injustice with it. 

The first movers in the Anti-Slavery cause in America, those who have 
stood firm tlirough the fiei'ce persecutions of many years, who have main- 
tained their broad platform of catholic principles, who have guarded their 
original Constitution from innovation and circumscription, — Garrison, 
and his corps of devout, devoted, and catholic fellow-labourers, with the 
Bible in their heart of hearts, and its spirit in all their ways, are now in 
a condition in which they need our support. They have been oppressed, 
betrayed, pillaged, and slandered. Not they, but their foes, are the inno- 
vators, the bigots, the unscrupulous proselyters, the preachers of a new 
doctrine, modified to propitiate the pro-Slavery spirit of the country in 
which they live. No one will call my words too strong, my accusations 
exaggerated, who will read the evidence relating to the transfer of the 
Emancipator, (for one instance) or, casting an eye upon the statement of 
accounts of the American Anti-Slavery Society, will perceive who voted 
into their own pockets the money by which the Emancipator might have 
been sustained, under whose commission the assailants of the Old Organi- 
zation crossed the Atlantic, and at whose expense they travelled through- 
out our country, sowing calumnies against Garrison and his faithful com- 
])anions through the length and breadth of our land. When the friends 
of the Slave here are told of treachery, pillage, and slander, w ill they 
hazard being a party to the guilt, for want of enquiry, even though the 
London Anti-Slavery Committee, and their organ, the Eeporter, at present 
appear to stand in that predicament ? If they would avoid such a liabil- 
ity, let them read and consider the Statement by which the case is placed 
fully before them. 

No one is more ready than I to make allowance for' lapse in the friends 
of the Negro in America. I have seen too much of the suffering (not 
conceivable here) consequent upon a profession of Anti-Slavery principles, 
to wonder that there are but few who can endure, from year to year, the 
infliction from without, the probing of the soul within, which visits the 
apostles of freedom in a land which maintains Slavery on its soil. From 
my heart I pity those who, having gone into the enterprise, find that they 
have not strength for it, and that they are drawn by their weakness into 
acts of injustice toAvards such as are stronger than themselves; — for those 
who are not with the thorough-going are necessarily against them. We 
must regard with even respectful compassion the fust misgivings, before 
they have become lapse. But what then must we feel, — what ought we 
to do — for those who have strength, — for those who can suffer to the end, 
— for those who are, after the pelting of a ten years' pitiless storm, as 
firm, as resolved, as full of vital wainith as ever, — as prepared still to 
abide the tempest, till the deluge of universal conviction shall sweep away 



the iniquity of Slavery from the earth ? Sliall \vc refuse to hear the tale 
of their injuries, of their justification, because otliers have refused, or 
because the story is painful ? May we dare to call ourselves workers in 
the Anti-Slavery cause while thus deserting the chief of its apostles now 
living in the world ? 

All believe that the truth will finally prevail ; and you and I, dear 
friend, have a firm faith that therefore the Old Organization, with Garri- 
son at its head, will prevail, at length, over the base enmity of the seced- 
ers. But we ought not to be satisfied with their prevailing at lengthy till 
we see whether they cannot be enabled to stand their ground now. Not 
a moment is to be lost. Not for a moment should their noble hearts be 
left uncheered ; — not for a moment should the Slave-holder be permitted 
to fan his embers of hope ; — not for a moment should the American Slave 
be compelled to tremble at the adversity of his earliest and staunchest 
friends, if we can, by any effort, obtain a hearing for the cause. Let us 
urge and rouse all who are about us, — not to receive our mere assertions, 
— not to take our convictions upon trust, — but to read, search out, and 
weigh the evidence, and judge for themselves. 

This is all that is needed ; for I believe there is not a friend of the 
Slave, in any part of the world, who, knowing the facts, would not make 
haste to offer his right hand to Garrison and his company, and his voice 
and purse to their cause. 

I am, yours very truly, 

HARRIET MARTINEAU. 



PREFACE. 



It is a fact wliit-'i cannot be disguised, and which ought, in its causes, to 
be well understood, that there is an unhappy division among the Aboli- 
tionists in America — that they are divided into two parties, both pro- 
fessedly holding the same principles, and adopting the same measures, to 
procure the Immediate Abolition of Slavery; yet, strange to say, one 
party exercises the most bitter and unrelenting hostility against the other — 
strange, because it would seem natural to suppose, that if they were 
united on this subject, i?i principle, they would not be hostile to each 
other in action. 

A minority has seceded from the Original American Anti-Slavery 
Society, and formed a rival Association, the object of which, interpreted 
by its official organ, agents, and auxiliaries, appears to be the entire 
annihilation of the Society from which it has seceded. 

This opposition is based upon the alleged ground, that the American 
Anti-Slavery Society makes " Woman's Rights," " Nop-Resistance," and 
other extraneous questions, a necessary part of the ^nti-Slavery princi- 
ples : — that prominent and leading Abolitionists were constantly disturb- 
ing the harmony of the Anti-Slavery meetings, by forcing upon them 
their peculiar religious and political views ; and that the objectors were 
compelled to secede, and form a new society, for the sake of peace and 
the interests of the Slave. 

Such are the charges. To them all, the American Anti-Slavery Society 
pleads, NOT GUILTY. It denies (and its official proceedings will corro- 
borate the truth of the denial,) ever having entertained, as a. Society, any 
other views than that Slavery was a sin against God, and ought immedi- 
ately to be abolished By its constitution, it can proscribe no person 

on account of his religion, country, sex, complexion, sect or caste, but is 
bound to welcome all as fellow-labourers, who will co-operate for Imme- 
diate and Unconditional Emancipation. It silences no person who feels 
moved to plead for all such tts are under oppression. Its platform is on 
the most broad and catholic principles; and while it establishes no reli- 
gious or political test of membership, but is common to all persons, it 
denies, at the same time, the right of any one, to make his peculiar 
religious or political opinions binding on his associates, as Abolitionists. 
Such is the reply of the American Anti-Slavery Society to the charges 
brought against it. 

The design of the follo"vfi«g pages is to prove, that the American Anti- 
Slavery Society has, from its origin to the present time, pursued one 
uniform and consistent course of action. That its principles and mea- 
sures are the same now, as at its formation in 1833, — the"^ Same as at the 
time of the "American Union" in 1835, when a most artful attempt was 



made by ft body of clergymen, under the plea of love for the Slave, to 
propitiate the pro-Slavery spirit of the prejudiced multitude, by witii- 
drawing from the enterprise the life-giving energy of its principles; 
— the same as at the time of the "Clerical Appeal" of 1837, when 
another subtle and crafty movement was made by some Anti-Slavery 
ministers, to deliver over the enterprise into the hands of the Clergy, 
by destroying the Anti-Slavery principle, through the destruction of its 
essential measures — That the charges preferred against the Society at 
tlie periods alluded to, were very nearly the same in kind and degree as 
those now urged against it. — That now, as then, the division is the act and 
the fault of the seceders, who, unable longer to endure the odium conse- 
quent upon an uncompromising adherence to the principles and measures 
of the original American Anti-Slavery Society, prefer a compromise 
of the cause to the spirit of proscription. Unwilling to yield up the 
cause of the Slave altogether, tfiey have descended a few steps from their 
former loft}' position, and erected a half-waj'-house between Liberty and 
Slavery. The seceders, in justification of their policy, have brought the 
most cruel charges against the original Society, for refusing now, as 
formerly, to introduce any )iew test, or to become the tool of any SECT 
or PARTY. 

The reader is not required to credit the truth of the above statements 
upon mere assertion. The strongest evidence will be adduced from the 
official and other documents issued by those who, once the bold defenders 
of the constitution, principles, and measures of the American Anti-Slavery 
Society, are now actively engaged in efforts for its destruction. 

The question may arise in the minds of some, Why force this matter, 
which relates to America, and which might be left for the Abolitionists of 
that country to settle among themselves, upon the friends of the Negro in 
Great Britain, and thus disturb the harmony of the cause in this country ? 

It may be answered. First, That all associations seeking the Abolition of 
Slavery must, necessarily, share the sympathy of every British philanthro- 
pist, in proportion to their integrity, zeal, and efheiency in promoting this 
great cause ; and hence the investigation of their respective merits is 
obligatory, and, in the language of James G. Birney, " the Abolitionists of 
Britain, on all the principles of justice and fair dealing, are entitled to be 
informed, and that in the most distinct and ingenuous manner, what are 
the aims of those who seek their co-operation." 

Second, That the only two bodies in America, favourable to the 
Immediate Emancipation of American Slaves, are the ov\g\na\ American 
Anti-Slavery Society, which has been known, for the last eight years, as 
the uncompromising and faithful advocate of the oppressed Slave, and 
has commanded the respect and admiration of the Abolitionists of this 
countrj' — and the New Society, the "American and Foreign Anti-Slavery 
Society," called into existence within the last ten m.onths. 

Third, That the seceders claim to be the onlij true friends of the Siave, 
and have constituted themselves the "American and Foreign Anti-Sl.ivery 
Society," and, under this name, present themselves emphatically as the 
Anti-Slavery Society of America. Thus acting, they have preferred 
charges against the original Society which, if true, should not only alienate 
the confidence of every friend of the Slave, but would justify every pos- 
sible effort for its destruction, as the Slave's worst enemy. The Society, 
however, is to be presumed innocent, till proved guilty. Hence, in order 
to form a right judgment, the question should be candidl;/, full//, and de- 
voutly examined ; and if, after impartial investigation, it slmll appear ihut 



8 

the charges have no foundation mfact, but that this Society is opposed 
and cakininiated by Slave-holders on the one hand, and by compromising 
brother professors on the other, for its unwavering integrity, then it 
must, ought, and will have an additional claim upon all the friends of the 
Negro, for their contributions, their sympathies, and their prayers. 

Fourth, That the subject of this division is already before the British 
people, who have, through the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti- 
Slavery Society of London, already taken sides against the American 
Anti-Slavery Society. It is painful to be compelled to state, that this 
Committee have not given the British people an opportunity of judging 
for themselves upon this question ; as they have uniformly published 
in the Eeportei\ their official organ, statements tending to destroy all 
confidence in the American Anti-Slavery Society, and have refused 
to publish documents refuting false statements and calumnies. 

Fifth, That, above all other considerations, justice to the oppressed 
Millions in the United States, demands of British philanthropists an early 
investigation of this question ; for so long as this division exists, in which 
one party is undermining the character, standing, and influence of the 
other, it is evident that the power of action of both upon the great 
cause for which they were established, must be, in a very great degree, 
neutralized, and the Abolition of Slavery necessarily deferred to an 
indefinite period. 

The testimony adduced [thotigh but a tithe of what miyht he brought 
forivard, did the limits of this pamphlet perinit) will, we trust, be sufficient 
to prove conclusively, to every one who will take the pains to give the 
subject a thorough investigation, that those who have seceded from the 
ORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, have in- 
troduced A NEW SYSTEM OF THINGS — things wliich they had, till of 
late, uniformly ^'repudiated" <' AS VIRTUAL ENMITY TO THE 
GREAT CAUSE," and " CALCULATED TO DISTRACT ANTI- 
SLAVERY SOCIETIES." Having introduced these new tests, they now 
demand assent to them, and proscribe every society and individual who will 
not join them in their crusade against principles on which, to use their 
own language, thaj, as Abolitionists, " have no authority to sit in 
JUDGMENT.'' It will also, it is believed, appear evident, that the general 
questions of "■Woman's Rights'" and " Non-Besistance," the only grounds 
openly and officially assigned for their secession, are not the true reasons ; 
for when these fail in any place to destroy confidence in the Society, other 
objections are urged, adapted to the various prejudices of those whose 
co-operation and influence they aim to secure. To sustain and perpetuate 
ihtir position, the sectarian ieelings of the religious are appealed to. 
They do not scruple to heap upon those who will not follow them the 
charge of Unitai'ianism, Infidelity, and, in fact, every unpopular and ob- 
noxious epithet, which, to those unacquainted with the question, may supply 
the place of facts and arguments. This being the case, the objections will 
not be anticipated which those may prefer, who are resolved upon the 
annihilation of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Cunning and sophistry 
may, by their thousand turnings, 

" Make the worse appear the better cause" — 

yet the reader, from the facts embodied in the following documentary evi- 
dence, will perceive the anitnus of the Secedcrs, and be prepared to appre- 
ciate their arguments, and to form a correct judgment, after a full, serious, 
and prayerful investigation of the whole question. 



9 

It is to be hoped, that the reader will not let the App(Miilix pass un- 
noticed, particularly that part of it Avhich relates to an individual who is 
intimately connected with the cause in the United States,* and w ho ji;i:;, 
in this country, been secretly, and by tlie tongue of slander, niost cruelly 
misrepresented and calumniated. There is now no hop(^, on tlif part 
of the Seceders, of effecting tlie downfall of those thorough Anti-Slavery 
principles, which disturb the inglorious quiet of the Apologists for 
Slavery, while he and his coadjutors 

" Upon the nation's naked heart, 
Scatter the living coals of truth." 

The oppressed and the oppressor alike perceive, as it were, by instinct, 
the policy which has in itself an adiiptedness to promote their r{>spectiv(j 
interests. The voice of disapprobation invariably given l)y the \'vee 
coloured people f against " New Organization," on the one hand, and the 
approving tone of the pro-Slavery press ^ towards it, on the other, is as 
strong testimony as can be given in favour of the integrity of tlie American 
Anti-Slavery Society ; and therefore, it is hoped that that part of the 
Appendix relating to the views of each will not be passed by unread. 

In exposing the opposition which the Anti-Slavery cause has received 
from the clergy, no disrespect is intended to be cast on the office of 
the ministry. No one has a higher regard than the writer, for a clergy- 
man wlio is faithful to the duties of his calling. The history of the 
Emancipation Enterprise, in the United States, cannot however, be 
given, without frequent allusion to the obstructive inffuence of the clergy, 
and the bare revelation of facts, with respect to their course, without 
note or comment, cannot but place them in an unenviable position, before 
the Christians of Great Britain. 

Tiiat the reader may be better qualified to judge of the rise, progress, 
nature, and inffuence of the present division in America, it is necessary 
that a brief sketch of the Anti-Slavery cause, from its origin to the present 
time, should be given ; that he may perceive the various instrumentalities, 
assuuiing different aspects, which have been used with a view to destroy 
this great enterprize. 



J. A. C. 



6, Queen St. Place, Southwark BridM;c, ^ 
London. S 



See Appendix A. t See Appendix B. J See Appendix C. 



10 



CHAPTER I. 

THE ASSAULT. 

" Tyrants! in vain ye trace tlie wizard ring. 
In vain ye limit mind's unwearied spring. 
Wliat ! can ye lull tiie winged winds asleep, 
Arrest tlie rolling world, or chain the deep ?" 

Campbell. 

Previous to 1829, the hopes of the Slaves and free people of Colour in 
the United States were involved in thick darkness. The free States, by 
their ecclesiastical, political, and other relations to the Slave-holding States, 
were deeply though unconsciously interested in the continuance of the 
vicious and wretched system of Slavery. Every body was opposed to it, 
and yet felt exonerated from all responsibility for its continuance. 

The American Colonization Society, at this tim'e, was in the full enjoy- 
ment of popular favour. As it neither attacked Slavery nor the inhuman 
prejudice against the people of colour, but connived at and apologized 
for both, it received no opposition in its course, but carried in its channel 
the whole current of human s^'mpathy as the Slave's best and only friend. 

Under these circumstauces, iNIr Garrison, a young man without wealth, 
title, or influence, charged upon the entire country the responsibility of 
sustaining this atrocious system. The doctrines which he put forth were, 
that it was a sin against God to brutalize and enslave His image, and that 
the immediate and unconditional abolition of the system was a duty. This 
assault upon Slavery proved to be an attack upon the Colonization Society, 
which towered up like a mountain between the truth and the Slave-holder, 
and received the shafts designed for his conscience — This led to an in- 
vestigation of the principles and measures of that Association, and to the 
subsequent exposition, on the part of Mr Garrison, of its rottenness and 
inhumanity. This Society, embracing as it did all the ecclesiastical and 
political influence of the country, constituted the principal opponent to 
the Anti-Slavery enterprize. 

The principles of the Abolitionists, which were at first treated as wild, 
visionary, unconstitutional, and unchristian, spread to such an extent, that 
in 1833, delegates from most of the free States' convened in Philadelphia, 
and instituted the American Anti-Slavery Society. This Association, 
through the greatest opposition, calumny, and ridicule, so increased, 
both in numbers and influence, that in 1835, the friends of Slavery, per- 
ceiving that their '■^peculiar institutions" were fast falling into disrepute, 
leagued witii Colonizationists, to check, by acts of violence, the onward 
and rapid march of Anti-Slavery principles. Their proceedings, in relation 
to the various mobs of this year, cast new light upon the true nature and 
influence of Colonization ; and those who had previously stood with one 
foot upon this Society, and the other upon the Anti-Slavery Society, de- 
precating their opposition, and desiring their amalgamation, now withdrew 
their countenance from the one which would not stand the proof. 

From this time, colonization lost its hold upon the affections of the 
Anti-Slaver}'' people of New England, and retired to its proper place, fur- 
ther south. Yet its spirit still survived in the North, and assumed a new 
appearance, to dehide flu; Abolitionists, and divert their minds from the 
great, and then unpopular question of " Immediatisnu^ The new Associa- 



11 

tion wliioh Iicncc arose, took the name of "The AMERICAN UNION, 
for the Relief and Improvement (ftlte Coloured Race." It was constituted 
cliiefly by a body of clergymen, known as inimical to the Abolitionists, 
while they professed to be the only true and consistent friends of the Slave. 
They were all "^ibolitionists in the abstract," and professed to be in favour 
of Emancipation, but could not endure the test-word — '' Immediatism." 
They were all " opposed to Slavery as much as anybody," but were 
shocked at the idea of declaring it to be " always sinftd." These two 
phrases, " Immediate Emancipation^'' and " Slavery always sinful," con- 
stituted the onl}' cause of separation between the Abolitionists and the 
friends of '■'■American Union.'^ To those unacquainted with the genius 
of Slavery and the subtlety of its abettors, this appears to bo a very small 
matter for division ; nevertheless, the sentiments of the parties upon 
Slavery were as opposite as the poles. The differences between them were 
these : — 

The one Society apologized for, and connived at Slavery, while it 
made the strongest professions of pity for the poor Slave : the other boldly 
declared its intention of labouring for its overthrow. 

The one was loud in declaiming against the evils consecjueiit upon the 
systen) of Slavery, but condemned all expressions whicli would appear to 
censure good, pious Slave-holders, or those devoted clergymen who did 
not feel it to be their duty to talk, preach, or pray , upon the subject : the 
other considered silence or neutrality upon this question as"apologizing for 
Slavery, and that those ministers of the gospel who would condemn 
oppression in Greece or Poland, or sympathize with the poor, ignorant, 
and degraded heathen in Asia or Africa, and yet remain silent upon greater 
oppression and abominations at their very doors, were recreant to the 
high trust to which God had appointed tiiem. 

The one was grieved that the cause of the poor Slave should be made 
to sufl'er from the "improper action of females:'' the other rejoiced to 
receive the co-operation of «// in abolishing sin and misery. 

" The American Union,'' deprecating all harsh and uncliristian measures 
— {i.e.&\\ declarations that Slavery was a sin against God, and that it was the 
duty of all to lift up their voices against its continuance,) at first found 
fdvour with many Anti-Slavery friends, and tiiose who would be Abolition- 
ists, were it not for the odium attached to their principles. However, as 
it embraced no great moral truths, but was governed by the ever-shifting 
principle of expedienc}', it lived but to see one anniversarj', and is now 
only remembered as an institulion that once existed to oppose the jirogress 
of Emancijiation. 

To show the animus of this Society, the following anecdote (from among 
a great number which miglit be introduceil, did space permit), will be 
sufHcient : — 

"Mr C. Tappan requested Mr Homer, an editor of ono of the pro-Slavery 
papers, to publish the proceedings of the oouvcnrlon which organized t!io 
' American Union.' INIr Homer refused — giving, as a reason, that lie w;is 
opposed to all the movements of the Abolitionist-;; to which MrT;i:ip;i;i ri'piicd, 
that the object was to put down Garrison.'' 



12 



C n yV P T E 11 1 1. 

THE STRUGGLE. 

" I'ilnte and Il^roii, fi'iends ! 
Cliicf priests aiifl riilors n? of oM, combine ! 
.TiJsl- fVoi ;iiirl holv 1— is flvif VUmxh wliich leii^ls 
Streiii;tli to tlic spoilov, Thine ?" 

WiilrTiEU. 

Mr Garrison had made himself, from the commencement of the Anti- 
Shivery struggle, peculiarly obnoxious to the clergy, from the ability and 
faithfulness which he has evinced, in exposing the hypocrisy and cruelty of 
the American Colonization Society, with which almost the wliole of that 
body were connected. His exposure of the time-serving policy of the 
American Union, and of its destructive influence upon the cause of Eman- 
cipation, did not add to his popularity. He was constantl}' assailed with 
reproach. The newspaper, called the Liberator, the pioneer in the cause 
— his own private propertj'^ — was attacked as a dangerous publication, 
and irreligious in its tendency. So far as the general influence of the 
clergy extended, its character and influence was destroyed. It exercised 
too much freedom for their purpose. It spoke with too much plainness 
on the duties and responsibilities of ministers. While the infuriated 
legislature of Georgia, a Slave State, was offering a reward of 5000 dollars 
for the apprehension of Mr Garrison, and the Northern mob, composed 
of " gentlemen of property and standing," was leading him about the 
street, with a halter on his shoulders, the Northern pulpit and religious 
press were laying upon him the responsibility — charging upon him the 
guilt of these outbursts of popular prejudice and wrath. 

The following, from the Christian Watchman, in speaking of the 
inob alluded to above, illustrates the general feeling of the religious press: — 

" While we have no apology to offer for a riot, under any circumstances, we 
hold as being cquaJhj culpable those who persist in a course that is calculated to 
excite such proceedings." 

The active and efiicient labours of Women, in circulating i)ctitions, 
raising funds, occasionally pleading for the bondman, and in doing what 
their hands found to do, to aid and encourage their bretinen in their un- 
equal conflict with oppression, greatly distressed those whose lips were 
sealed against that system wduch drives nearly a million of innocent 
women into the cotton fields, rice swamjis, and sugar plantations, to toil, 
naked and exposed to the scorchings of a tropical sun, under the lash of a 
task-master. The following extract from " The Chiustian Register" 
of August, 1835, (edited by a clergyman,) at the time tiie meeting of the 
" Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society" was broken up by a genllemaidy 
mob of 5000, will exhibit the general state of feeling of the religious j)rcss 
on this subject : — 

" But Avhen we come to the grave subjects of political reform, embracing 
complicated national interests (!) it might be wiser in the gentler sex to seek in- 
formation at home, and lend their influence in a more private way." 

The leading members of the Boston Fcinalc Anti-Slavery Societij 
were instrumental in procuring the liberty of two female Slaves, (who had 
been brought into Massachusetts,) by securimj a decision of the Court of 



13 

that State, tliat every Slave broiiglit witliin its jurisdiction was, by its 
laws, declared to be instantly free. The following briit extract, from the 
Boston Recorder, a pro-Slavery paper, the organ of the Congregational- 
ists, the largest and most influential body of Christians in New England, 
and edited by several clerf^ymen, will illustrate the spirit of the religious 
press. To destroy the influence of the Women in this philanthropic work, 
the enemies of the cause endeavoured to identify their movements with 
" Woman's Bights," or some other obnoxious question. Its dignity of 
style for a religious newspaper, and its refinement of satire, in connexion 
with this topic, is particularly to be observed : — 

" Women have rig-hts, too, and must not be browbeaten out of tlicrn by public 
opinion. One of their legal and constitutional rights is, to get marriod, if tliey 
can. If any unmarried woman can think of any man, whose duty it is to marry 
her, she has an undoubted legal and constitutional right to go to him and tell 
him so, and argue the case with him, if he will listen, and convince him, if she 
be able." 

To encourage foreigners, coloured people, and the Women to labour 
more zealously, and to answer the repeated assertions of the pro-Slavery 
))arty, tliat it was improper and unchristian for Women to meddle with the 
Anti-Slavery question ; that GEO. THOMPSON, and Q\\\ev foreigners, 
had no right to interfere with their '■'■peculiar institutions-" and that 
coloured people ought not to be allowed to associate with their white 
brethren in their incendiary crusade against the rights of the Slave-holder ; 
the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, at its Annual Meeting in 18.3G, 
passed a resolution unanimously declaring : — 

'•' That we consider the Anti-Slavery cause the cause of philanthropy, with 
regard to which (ill human beings, white men and coloured men, citizens and 
fureigners, men and women, have the same duties and the same rights." 

Several individuals were at this meeting who have since left the same 
Society, on the ground that Women are not excluded from the Society. 
Who lias changed ? 

Nothing occurred to disturb the harmony of the Anti-Slavery enter- 
prise, beyond the constant reiteration of the old oiijections of the impro- 
jH'iety of female action, harsh language, unconstitutional and unchristian 
proceedings — the ordinary opposition from the clergy and from j)olitical 
])artizans, with an occasional outburst of popular indignation, tending to 
foster a growing interest for the cause, till the summer of 1837. Ange- 
lina E., and Sarah M. Grimke, two highl3'-educated women, natives of a 
SMave-holding State, and formerly Slave-holders, members of the Society 
of Friends, and fully conversant with the nature and influence of Slavery, 
appeared at tiiat time in Massachusetts as jjublic lecturers ; and by their 
efHcient labours and powerful appeals, mightily stirred up all that was 
sympathetic, humane, and religious, in fiivour of the immediate annihila- 
tion of this soul-destroying system. 

The clergy, who denied the right of an advocate of the Anti-Slavery 
cause to enter within their respective parochial limits, in order to agitate 
" the perplexing question" without their consent, and who were particu- 
larly shocked at the less conspicuous activity which the Women had, with 
but few exceptions, before exercised in the Anti-Slavery cause, could not, for 
a moment, tolerate the idea that women, and Quaker women too, holding, 
as they did, peculiar and dangerous views, regarding the Sabbath, the 
church, the ordinances, and the priesthood, should be allowed to itinerate 
as public lecturers. The audience of three da}**, which the Legislature of 
Massachusetts afforded to these women, was a standing rebuke to those 
ministers who professed to be mouths for the dumb. It is unnecessary to 



14 

add, that the influence of these women upon the Legislature was very 
powerful. 

The religious pro-Slavery party now endeavoured to divert the public 
mind from the great question of Immediate Emancipation, (which, in con- 
sequence of tlie effective labours of the Grimke's, was commandirixj an 
unusual interest,) to the improprieties and indelicacies of " woman's 
bearing an active part in matters of religious reform," &c. 

The pro-Slavery pulpit now gave forth its doctrines and its censures 
against what were termed " Woman's rights." The " General Association 
of Massachusetts," a notoriously pro-Slavery body, was immediately con- 
vened, and issued a letter to tiie churches under their care. The follow- 
ing brief extracts from the " Pastoral Letter" alluded to above, (issued 
in 1837,) will give an idea of the interest and spirit of the production : — 

" The first topic upon which we would speak, has respect to tlie perplexed 
and asritating subjects which are now common amongst us is — that they [i. e. the 
abolition principles] should not be forced upon any church, as matters for 
debate at the hazard of alienation and division. Once it would have seemed 
strange, even to hint that members of churches could wish to force a subject for 
debate upon their pastor and their brethren of the same church. But we are com- 
pelled to mourn over the loss, in a degree, of that deference to the pastoral office." 

" We would call your attention to the importance of maintaining that respect 
and deference to the pastoral office, which is enjoined in Scripture, and which is 
essential to the best influence of the ministry on you and your children." * * * 
" One way in which this respect has been in some cases violated, is in encourag"- 
ing lecturers or preachers on certain topics of reform to present their subjects 
trithin the parochial limits of settled pastors without their consent (! !)'' * * * 
" If there are certain topics upon which lie does not preach with the frequency 
or in the manner that would please you, it is a violation of sacred and impor- 
tant rights to encourage a stranger to present them. Deference and subordina- 
tion are essential to the happiness of society, and peculiarly so in the relation of 
a people to their jmstor.'' * * * « 

" We invite your attention to the dangers which at present seem to threaten 
the female character with wide-spread and permanent injury." * * * * 

" We appreciate the unostentatious prayers and eftbrts of woman in advancing 
the cause of religion at home and abroad ; in Sabbath-schools, in leading reli- 
gious enquirers to the pastor for instruction, and in all such associated efforts as 
become the modesty of her sex ; and earnestly hope that she may abound more 
and more in the labours of piety and love. But when she assumes the place and 
tone of man as a public reformer, our care and protection of her seem unneces- 
sary, we put ourselves in self-defence against her, she yields the power which 
God has given her for protection, and her character becomes unnatural." * ♦ * 

" We cannot, therefore, but regret the mistaken conduct of those who encour- 
age females to bear an obtrusive and ostentatious part in measures of reform, 
and countenance any of that sex who so far forget themselves as to itinerate in 
the character of public lecturers and teachers." 

Well might the poet give utterance to the following, alter perusing this 
production : — " go tliis is all— tlie utmost reacli 

Of priestly ])0\ver the mind to fetter ! 
When laymen think — when women preach — 
A war of words— a ' Pastoral Letter'.' " 

The following limited extracts from a few of the many sermons preach- 
ed at this time, and printed and widely circulated over the country, by 
the most notorious enemies of the Anti-Slavery enterprise, will give an 
idea of the general spirit and opposition of the pulpit : — 

" It is made the duty of woman so far as religious assemblies are concerned, 
to learn and not to teach — to learn in silence. And then a reason is given for it ; 
i. e. that it would be an unseemly usurping of authority, for one who should 
bear the marks of subjection. 

** Not only were women not permitted to harangue a christian audience, but 



1.5 

they were not permitted to ask a question in public. If they met any thing in 
the public instructions which they could not understand or consent tu, they must 
confer with their husbands at home respecting it. It is treated not only as 
wrong, but 'a shame,'' a scandalous offence against propriety and decency. * It 
is a shame for a woman to speak in the church.' " 

" We do not evade the rule on the ground that the word church U used, and 
therefore it does not apply to all religious assemblies. This is an evasion which 
is good only to English ears. The word here translated church, means assem- 
blies of any character or description. It is equally descriptive of the small 
social meeting of men and women, and the great congregation of religious or 
secular meetings, where one stands forth to harangue an assembly. It is par- 
allel with the word assembly, or meeting, and the prohibition is as broad as if 
meeting had been the word, and as if the Apostle had said, it is a shame for a 
woman to speak in public meetings!" — Rev. Parson Cook's Sermon. 

" The legitimate effect of being converted to the popular measures of the 
Abolitionists, (popular, I mean, among a certain class — not with the groat mass 
of the people — God forbid,) is a neglect of some of the appropriate duties of 
woman. Her time, she is apt to think, can be better employed than to devote it 
to her own peculiar household concerns ; and therefore, she becomes a sort of 
travelling agent for those who make it a business to lead captive ' silly women.' " 
— Rev. Mr Folsotns Sermon. 

" When, forsaking the domestic hearth, her delicate voice is heard from house 
to house, or in social assemblies, rising in harsh unnatural tones of denunciation 
against civil laws and rulers, against measures involving political and State affairs, 
of which she is nearly as ignorant as the child she left at home in the cradle (!) against 
churches and ministers, perhaps her own pastor, and certainly all who dissent 
from her views ; expecting to reform politics and churches, and to put down 
every real and supposed evil in them, by the right arm of female power, and 
clamorous for the oi-ganizatiou of female societies, for this specific object ; not 
slow to anathematize all who do not submit to her dictation, in the stereotype 
phraseology of certain modern charity, as ' time-serving men,' and * canting 
hypocrites.' " — Rev. Mr Wmslow's Sermon. 

Thus these hirelings of Slavery — 



And all 



" Choke down at once each hreathing thing 
That whispers of the rights of man." 

" But force the Spirit of Grace itself, to bind 
His consort, Liberty." 



CHAPTER III. 

THE REVOLT, OB CLERICAL APPEAL. 

" Ah ! 'tis often thus. When a rigliteous cause 
Is struggling 'gainst its hydra-lieaded foes, 
And seems to quiver for tlie equipoise; 
Some nobly brave the storm a certain length, 
Recede, and leave the battle to be fought 
And won, by hearts teinper'd for tlie conflict." 

Those clergymen who had identified themselves with tlie Abolitionists, 
and had entered their ranks in good faith, now found themselves very un- 
pleasantly situated. Their fidelity to the cause of the Slave made them 
exceedingly obnoxious to their pro-Slavery brethren, who professed to be 
much grieved that there were those among them, who should countenance 
the movement, then in full operation, not only to destroy miuii>lcrial 
influence, and engender disrespect for pastoral rights and usages, but 
that any sanction should be given to an unholy crusade against the peace 
of the Northern as well as Southern Churches. The advocating of the 
Slave's right to his freedom by one party, was a standing rebuke to the 
other, for their time-serving policy. Hence those among the clergy who 



16 

were faithful to the truth, to the Slave, and to their GoJ, were held 
responsible for all the views entertained by Abolitionists, wjiicli were not 
in harmony with the '■'■ prevailimj voice of the brotherhood.'' All so-call- 
ed heresies were laid at their door. 

They were in a most trying position. It required much trust in God 
to remain faithful to the cause they had espoused ; as it would necessarily 
attract towards them an additional visitation of ridicule and proscription 
from their clerical associates, wiio had it in their power to destroy their 
ministerial character and influence. They stood between two fires. On 
the one hand, they felt unwilling to yield up the cause of the Slave 
altogether ; and on the other, they were disinclined to stand in opposition 
to their pious pro-Slavery iirethren, which they must do, if they maintained 
Anti-Slavery fellowship with Mr Garrison, who had, by his ability, fidelity, 
and sagacity, detected and exposed the arts by which the true Anti- 
Slavery principles were to be rendered powerless, if arts could avail for 
that purpose. The temptation was too great, and tlie tempted fell 
About two months after the appearance of the ftimous " Pastoral Letter," 
five Anti-Slavery clergymen of Boston an(] its vicinity, headed by the Rev. 
Charles Fitch, pastor of one of the Boston churches, and for years one of the 
most active and efficient labourers witli Mr Garrison, issued without any 
previous remonstrance or intimation, a public document, which its authors 
styled " Clerical Appeal," but which might be more properly entitled 
Sequel to the ^^ Pastoral Letter," in which they adopted the stereotyped 
objections of the opponents of the Abolitionists, condemning them as 
rash and denunciatory ; preferring serious charges against the Liberator, 
and Mr Garrison, >its Editor, — deprecating all interference with pastoral 
rights and usages, — arraigning the Society, and individual members of it, 
for their heterodoxy — condemning the public action of women ; and 
finally reaching the conclusion that the Society was so heretical, that 
peace, religion, and the poor Slave, required the formation of an Associa- 
tion on principles more " evangelical," and to which none should be ad- 
mitted who would not subscribe to a certain creed. This movement was 
immediately seconded by thirty-nine candidates for the clerical office at 
Andover, who preferred some additional charges, one of which was, that 
Abolitionists made "statements prejudicial to the cause of Foreign Mis- 
sions, and to the character of the American Board of Commissioners for 
Foreign Missions.'' The reader can judge for himself, how much 
occasion Abolitionists had for withdrawing their confiilence from this great 
Society, which was then receiving and disbursing more money than any 
two other benevolent associations in the United States — when he shall 
learn that this Society, with Boston for its head-quarters, not only 
smothered appeals made by foreign missionaries to the American churches, 
but the Society itself was actually hohling human beings as articles of 
merchandize. It was against the inconsistency and wickedness of this 
practice, that the attacks of the Abolitionists were directed. This asso- 
ciation, designed to evangelize the world, was actually bartering away one 
set of heathen, and ajipropriating the proceeds to enligliten another (!) 

The following extract of a letter from the Rev. Mr Armstrong, Secre- 
tary of this Society, in answer to an inquiry made by D. S. Ingraliam, 
now a missionary in the West Indies, whether the American Board of 
Commissioners for Foreign Missions was the owner of Slaves ? will show 
that there was cause of complaint on the part of Abolitionists : — 

" In some cases tlioy (tlie Slaves) have been hired by the month, or year ; 
in other cases they have been purchased, of those who had a legal (?) rig-ht to 
their services, with the funds of the Board." 



17 

There was no g'iving up, on the part of these clergymen, of the (hietrines 
of Inimodiato Emancipation; no war upon the Anti-Slavery j)rinci])IoH ; 
but an insidious attack npon its measures — measures which impart to 
those principles, life, strength, and energy. The document was so mild 
— breathed such a gentle spirit, appealing to, rather than attacking pre- 
judice, that it mightily pleased, not only open enemies, but timid friends. 

" So smooth he daubed his vice with show of virtue, 
That his apparent open guilt omitted." 

For a specimen of the general feeling manifested by the religious journals, 
tlie mouth-pieces of the various denominations, edited by clergymen, and 
open opponents to the Anti-Slavery movements, we give the following : — 

" The following' Appeal is so excellent and so well-timed, that wc insert it 
entire, although of considerable length. It manifests so good a spirit, so much 
in accordance with Christian propriety, that we feel confident it will find a 
response from many hearts not now enlisted in the Abolition enterprise." — N. 
H. Observer. 

" We have been exceedingly refreshed by the following docimient, which 
a])peared in the last New Eiujlund Sjtectator. Its noble, independent tone — its 
courtesy towards opponents, its regard for their rights, conceding all its demands 
— its recognition of correct principles of action and intercourse, in language 
plain and easy to be understood ; — all this is so different ft-om anything which 
we have seen from ' that side of the house,' that we give the whole with the 
sincerest pleasure. We have marvelled for a long time how Anti- Slavery 
ministers, at least such as we know some of them to be, could keep silence, 
while a tyranny was creeping in, more to be dreaded than "iuiy other now in 
existence among us." — Christian 31irror. 

A Gratifying Document *' Here is an approach to what we have 

so often argued to be the duty of Christian members of Auti-Shivcry So- 
cieties. We admire the honest and Christian spirit of this document. Mr 
Fitch is pastor of the Free Church, which professes to be founded on ' Anti- 
Slavery principles,' and has frequently spoken at Anti-Slavery Meetings. Mr 
Towne is pastor of the Salem Street Church, and was one of the 'seventy 
agents,' commissioned last year by the American Anti-Slavery Society. Mr 
Sanford, and the other signers, have long been known as active members of 

the Anti-Slavery Society We publish their appeal with great pleasure." — 

Vermont Chronicle, 

Taking Right Guound "Several Clerical Aboliticniists in Boston and 

vicinity have been obliged to express their public disappn>i)alion of some of the 
Garrisonisms of tliat region. We give a few extracts from their public appeal,, 
as published in the Nciv England Spectator. Let Abolitionists generally come 
out, and put down the s])irit and practice of denunciation and abuse, and show ;i 
better example by speaking the truth in love, and converts to their cause will 
be multiplied." — lic/igious Intellii/cncer. 

The objectors were dailj'- encouraged from all quarters, by those who' 
might be expected to be gratified by such movements. They claimed to 
liave nine-tenths of the Abolitionists with them. Tiiey were mistaken in' 
considering clergymen the representatives of the cause. Those Abolition- 
ists wlio bad lieen its standard-bearers, and who were fully acquainted 
with the vai'icty of influences that Slavery would bring to bear against its 
nnlagonist, s;i\v in this scheme, only another attempt, like the " /Vmerican^ 
Union,'' to suit the enterprise to the level of public prejudice and taste. 

lint, it was asked, can such a man as INIr Fitch, wlio has laboured so 
faithfully, and sacrificed so much, and his associates, who still adhere to 
the principles of Immediate and Unconditional Emancipation, and who still 

c 



18 

make tlie strongest professions of devotion to the Slave, be considered 
capable of compromising the Anfi-Slavery cause with its enemies? 

Be it remembered, tliat all who, at that lime, jiarticipated in this 
movement with the Kev. Mr Fitch, together with the tiiirty-iiiiie 
clergyjnen then at Audover, now settled in ditferent parts of the conntrv, 
have either iiKxiRiiD from the Anti-Slavery Cause aUo;/ether, or are 
united with others in the present attempt to cripple and to DESTROY 
the original American Anti- Slavery Society. 

That the reader may understand the motives which actuated the leader 
of this unhappy division, Mr Fitch's own testimony will here be given. 
The following letter, written more than two years after the memorable 
transaction, and soon after another similar attempt was made to destroy 
the efficiency of the Anti-Slavery principles, speaks for itself; and there- 
fore comment upon it is unnecessary. The admiration with wliieh evury 
Christian heart must be touched by the humble and devout conscientious- 
ness which dictated such an avowal as this, is more deeply felt than it can 
be easily expressed. There may perhaps be no leader of a noble cause, 
however devout and firm, who may not take a lesson from the contrition 
of the brother who here acknowledges his lapse : — 

" Newark, January 9th, 1840. 

" Mr,W. L. Garrison : — Dear Sir, — Herewith I attempt the discliarg-e of a 
duty, to which I doubt not that I am led by the dictates of an enlightened con- 
science, and by the influences of the Spirit of God. I have been led, of late, to 
look over my past life, and to inquire what I would think of past feeling-s and 
actions, were I to behold Jesus Christ in the clouds of heaven, coming to judge 
the world, and to establish His reign of holiness and righteousness, and blos>;oil- 
ness, over the pure in heart. From such an examination of my past life, I liud 
very much, even in what I have regarded as my best actions, deeply to deplore ; 
but especially do I find occasion for shame, and self-loathing, and deep humilia- 
tion before God and man, when I see in what nndtipliod instances tlio ruling 
motive of my conduct has been a desire to please men, f.ir the sake of their good 
opinion. In seeking the promotion of good objects, I have often acted with this 
in view ; but I feel bound in duty to say to you, Sir, that to gain the good will 
of man was the only object I had in view, in every thing which I did relative to 
certain writings called ' Clerical Appeal.' I cannot say that I was conscious at 
liie time, certainly not as fully as I am now, that this was the motive by which I 
was actuated ; but as I now look back upon it, in the light in wdiich it has of late 
been spread before my own mind, as I doubt not by the Spirit of God, I can 
clearly see that, in all that matter, I had no true regard for the glory of God, or 
the good of man. I can see nothing better in it, than a selfish and most wicked 
desire to gain thereby the good opinion of such men as I supposed would be 
pleased by such movements ; while I can clearly see, that I did not consult the 
will of God, or the good of my fellow-men, in the least, and did indulge toward 
yourself and others, and toward principles which I now see to be according to 
truth, feelings which both my conscience and my heart now condemn ; which I 
know a lioly God never can approve ; and which I rejoice to think He never 
will approve. 

" I send you this commimieation, because my conscience and my heart load 
mo to do it ; because I think the truth and the Spirit of God approve it, and 
influence mo to do it ; and not because I expect or wish thereby to secure the 
applause of man, or even to regain any good will of man which I may have lost, 
by actions which I now wholly disapprove. I trust I have learned higher prin- 
ciples of actions ; at least, I know I must learn them, or be in fearful circum- 
stances in that day when ' every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit must be 
hewn down, and cast into the fire.' 

" The acknowledgment which I now make, I expect to approve when I appear 
before God with my final account ; and this is reason enough to induce me to 



19 

make it. I believe it is according' to the will of God, and that will I fully 
approve. 

" You are at liberty, Sir, to do with it what you please. If God can Ije hon- 
oured, and good done thereby, I would like that the confession I make be as 
public as the shi I committed. I believe that I should do what I now have 
done, if I knew I should be despised for it by the whole world. There is one 
by me who searches my heart, and there is a judgment-seat before me, where I 
must staud. There is, also, a despised, cast-out, and crucified Saviour, who was 
none other than ' God manifest in the flesh,' whom I wish to please and honour. 
If you can make any use of this communication, that you think will be an hon- 
our to Him, or a service to the cuisc of truth, dispose of it at your pleasure.— 
'i'lie Lord strengthen you to do His will. 

"CHARLES FITCH." 

The proceedings of Mr Fitch and his clerical associates, threw the 
Anti-Slavcr}' ranks into great confusion. The entire body of Abolition- 
ists were apparently divich^d. The Slave-holders exulted, and tlie oppo- 
sition rejoiced that Garrison was no longer to share tlie sympathies of the 
Abolitionists. This movement was so fully exposed by the Rev. Amos 
A. Phelps, by Mr Garrison, by Oliver Johnson, and by all the Anti-Slavery 
papers, with but one or two exceptions, that, after tlie feverish excite- 
ment of several months had passed away, it was gradually forgotten. 



CHAPTER IV. 



THE TESTIMONY. 



" He tiKil is first in his own cause, seometli jnst, but liis neigliboiir cometli ami searclietli liim."— 

SOLOMOV. 

" Out of tliiiie own umutli will 1 judge tliee."— Lukr xix. 22. 

The clergy, tiius defeated, now resolved to render the Anti-Slavery 
cause odious, by charging upon it the responsibility of disseminating 
unpopular views entertained by some of its leading members. At this 
time, H. C. Wright was an agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 
and accompanied the Misses Griinke in their travels as lecturers. He 
held, in common with Mr Garrison and a few other Abolitionists, the 
non-resistance or ultra-peace views. This was laid hold of, as well as the 
Woman and Sabbath questions, to make it appear that the American 
Anti-Slavery Society was practically and actively opposed to the rightful 
existence of all human government. 

It should be kept in mind, that Messrs. Arthur and Lewis Tappan, 
E. Wright, jun., and Amos A. Phelps, were the leading and prominent 
managers of the Americ in Anti-Slavery Society; but are now the 
leading and prominent members of the New Society, called the American 
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 

To rebut the charges preferred against the American Anti-Slavery 
Societij, by the authors of the " Clerical Appeal," and the open 
opponents to the Abolitionists, of being opposed to the existence of 
government and good order, (because the committee would not make an 
attack upon those members and agents of tlie Society, who held to the 
ultra-peace or no}i-resistance principles,) the EMANCIPATOR, the 



20 

ORGAN of the Society, then under the supervision of the above named 
gentlemen, and edited by E. Wright, jun., its Secretary , in speaking 
upon this subject, said — 

" With the abstract question of the rightfulness of human governments, as 
an editor of tlic Anti-Slavery Society, we have nothing to do ; neither will our 
2)uhlications cudgel any man for his sentiments on this question." — August, 1837. 

The same paper, in August, 1837, in disclaiming all responsibility as 
respects the woman question, in relation to the Misses Grimke, published 
the following : — 

"THE MISSES GRLMKE. 

" We understand that these ladies addressed an audience a few evoning-s 
since, at Lowell, of 1300 persons — a large proportion, but by no means all, of 
Avhom were females. They were heard, as they' have been elsewhere, Avith tho 
greatest attention and manifest effect. 

" Yet, in spite of this success, there are not wanting those, even among Aboli- 
tionists, who doubt the propriety of their addressing promiscuous assemblies — 
These ladies do not go out as agents of the American Anti-Slavery Society, nor 
in any Avay connected with it : yet, for ourself, we could fidly justify the Society 
in sending them to do just what they are doing. It must be remembered, thai 
the American Anti-Slavery Society is not a sectarian institution, but is made up 
of all sects, and appeals to all to plead the cause of the Slave, each in its own 
way. In employing females of the Society of Friends to lecture, it would b(» 
guilty of no innovation. We do not see how members of other sects could 
object to it any more justly than to admitting Friends as members. * * * * 
*' It ought to be observed also, that the Misses Grimke have not only the sanc- 
tion of the religious body to which they belong, but they have actually been 
obliged, by the importunity of the men of Massachusetts, to admit them to their 
lectures, which they designed to confine to their own sex. Who will lay a straw 
in the way of their able and effective advocacy of the rights of the poor victims of 
our own Christian oppression ?" 

The following official document, issued by the Executive Committee of 
the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1837, of whom Messrs. Tappaii, 
Phelps, Wright, and others, were members, to disprove the objections 
urged by the clerical appellants and others, will give an idea of the broad 
and catholic platform of the American Anti-Slavery Society at that time, 
and what were then the views of those who noxo are the leaders in the attack 
upon that noble edifice which they then so stoutly defended : — 

" TO THE PUBLIC. 

" The Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society have here- 
tofore candidly and explicitly stated the doctrines maintained by that association, 
and they are now induced to caution their fellow-citizens not to confound their 
doctrines with such as individual members may occasionally advance. 

" The Constitution, after setting forth the principles of the Society, declares 
that whoever consents to these principles, not being a Slave-holder, may, on 
making a pecuniary contribution, become a member. Hence, good faith obvi- 
ously requires not only that tliose who enter the Society should sincerely embrace 
its avowed principles, but also that the Society should abstain from all 

INTEKFEUENCE WITH SUCH OTHER PRINCIPLES AS MAT BE HELB BY ITS MEMBERS. 

Of course, no member is required, by his connexion with the Society, to refrain 
from expressing (on his own responsibility) his individual opinions on any subject 
whatsoever. We believe there is, among the Abolitionists, a most cordial and 
unanimous assent to the great moral truths proclaiined in onr constitution, while, 
on many other anrl important topics, they maintain very opposite and irrecoU' 
cilable sentiments. 



n 

"Some of these sentiments, (\on-Kcsisl;uico, &c.) bo"m,cf promulgated in Ant!- 
Slavery papers, (the Liberator) and advocated by one or more Abolitionists, 
(the Misses Grimhe, Garrison, and others,) have been used to prejudice the 
Anti-Slavery cause. On the sentiments alluded to, the Executive Com- 
mittee HAVE NO authority to sit in judgment : but, wliether true or false, 
they receive no sanction from the Society, and every member is at liberty to 
assail or defend them ! 

" While the Conmiittee assume no control over the private opinions of their 
agents, (referring to H. C. Wri;/ht, then agent of the American Anti-Slavery 
Society, and a Non-Resistun.t,) and much less over the course Avhich -independent 
friends of the cause think fit to \)\wi\\c, ( Garrison, Grimhe, and o'thcrs,) they 
cheerfully acknowledge their obligation not to permit the funds of the Society 
to be used for the promotion of any principles or objects whatever except those 
specified in the constitution ; and it will ever be, as it ever has been, their deter- 
mination, both in regard to the agents they employ and tlie publications they 
issue, to avoid any just censure in this respect. 

" Tiie great diversity of sentiments entertained by Abolitionists on political 
and religious subjects, instead of being, as our enemies vainly imagine, an indi- 
cation of our weakness, is a demonstration of our strength, and an omen of our 
ultimate triumph. That cause cannot belong to a sect or a party which is 
espoused by men of all sects and all parties. The rights for which we are con- 
tending, are the rights of our common nature, and their advocacy cannot safely 
be committed to ant sect or party, nor can any sect or party be exempted from 
rebuke which takes the attitude of hostility to these rights. 

" In behalf of the Executive Committee of the American Anti- Slavery 
Society, 

« E. WRIGHT, Jun., Secretary. 
"August 7th, 1837." 

It should be strongly impressed upon the mind of the reader, that Messrs. 
A. and L. Tappan, Phelps, Wright, and all the others, who composed the 
Cojnniittee of the American A7iti- Slaver j/ Society in 1837, witli but few 
exce[)tions, are now the most active and efficient leaders of t!ie party which 
has separated from the original Society, on the ground that its members 
would not TUAMPLE upo7i the Societi/'s co?istitidw?i, by invidiously casting 
out a portion of its most effective labourers. That there may be no doubt 
in his mind as to which party has undergone the most thorough change upon 
this question, the gentlemen referred to above may s])eak for themselves. 

The following is an extract from the Aiinual Report of the Committke 
of the American Anti-Slavery Society, in 1837, to their constituents, 
and which, at a large meeting of Delegates from most of the Free States, 
Avas unanimously adopted : — 

" The Committee cannot omit to mention, with heartfelt thanks to God, the 
important aid the cause has received from two sisters, from Charleston, S. C, 
once the holders of Slaves. They have, without reserve, laid themselves on the 
altar of the cause, at the expense of becoming aliens and outcasts from tlicir 
native city, and from a large circle of Slave-holding relatives and friends. For 
their constant toil they have declined receiving any pecuniary compensation. 
Their touching ' appeals,' both icritten and oral, have, we doubt not, hindlcd 
a genuine Abolition flame in many thousands of hearts. Let them hold on 
their course till UNIVERSAL WOMANHOOD is rallied in behalf of the 
bleeding victims of wrong." 

We would, with the Poet, say — 

" ShiiU tongues be mute, wlicn deeds are wrought 
Wliicli well niight sliaine cxtremest hell ? 
Shall froeuien lock th' iudiKUunt thouKht ? 

Shall Mercy's bofsom cense to swell? 
Shall Honour bleed ? — Shall Truth succumb ? 
Shall I'eu, and I'ress, and Soid 1)0 dumb ? — 
l>y all above— around— below— 
IJo ours th' indignant answer— NO !" 



22 

It did not occur to the American Abolitionists that this Committee, in 
receiving and acknowledging in their Report, " ivith heartfelt thanks to 
God," the co-operation and powerful aid of these eloquent and efficient 
women, or the American Anti-Slavery Society, in adopting it, were 
giving any opinion as respects the propriety or impropriety of females 
taking an active part in other departments of religious or political reform. 
The honour of this discovery belongs to the opponents of the Anti-Sla- 
very enterprize. It was for those conservators of the public iceal, who 
would neither labour tliemselves for the bondman's redemption, nor let 
others do so who filt disposed, to find out that it was ^'■contrary to 
reason, Scripture, and the usages of civilized society," for women to 
labour, in their own way, as their own consciences might direct, 
in this holy cause. Those engaged in other benevolent enterprizes, 
and who ought to have been first and foremost in this glorious work, 
opposed it. The Abolitionists were united in one grand object — the 
Abolition of Slavery. To accomplish this work, they welcomed, " ivith 
heartfelt thanks to God," every one who would aid them in breaking 
the oppressor's yoke. If women did not appear as conspicuous at the 
commencement of the enterprise as they now do, it certainly was not the 
fault of the Abolitionists, who, 7J?-zor to any division in their ranks, used 
every variety of influence to call them into action, and eulogised them for 
all their movements in the cause, whether of a public or private character. 
Their action, on this question, like that of men, has been progressive. 
Their power and efliciency has, from time to time, been developed, as 
circumstances have called them forth. This perfectly harmonizes with 
the history of female co-operation in this country. The genius of the 
American Anti-Slavery enterprize is such as to forbid any obstacles being 
thrown in the way of any one who labours for Immediate and Uncon- 
ditional Emancipation, 

Here the Committee declare, that many thousands have been, through 
the private and public labours of these women, called into the Abolition 
ranks ; and such being their success, can it be thought strange, that those.' 
who desiied the Immediate Abolition of Slavery, should recommend 
them to " hold on till Universal Womanhood" should be rallied 
around the standard of freedom ? The present Committee of the Ame- 
rican Anti-Slavery Society fully sympathize on this point with their 
predecessors of 1837, and while they ivill not entertain for a moment, as 
Abolitionists, the general question of " JVomatt's Rights," they, neverthe- 
Icvss, acknowledge, " with heartfelt tha?iks to God," the co-operation of 
all, of every class, who come to the rescue of the enslaved millions of 
America. 

It is but just to state, that the Report, from which the above is an ex- 
tract, was written previous to the lectures of the Grimke's in Massachusetts, 

It may not be amiss, in this place, to summon before us, a i'cw of the 
leading members of the partj' wlio have seceded from the American Anti- 
Slavery Society, on the ground that Women were not tlirust out of it. 
In order that the British public may form a correct opinion on this subject, 
these gentlemen may be allowed to speak for tliemselves. Did space 
permit, others of the seceders would be introduced. 

In 183G, LEWIS TAPPAN called a meeting- iu the city of New York, 
for pro-Slavery and Anti-Slavery discussion. Three times he went to MRS 
CHILD, and insisted upon her speaking-. She refused, on the ground that she 
" had never spoken in public, and should feel much embarrassed," He replied. 
— " You will doubtless recover from your embarrassment iu a few moments, and 



23 

you really ought to make an effort to overcome your reluctance, when you reflect 
how much good you can do, and how much the audience will be interested, if 
YOU ALLOW ME TO ANNOUNCE that MRS CHILD, of Boston, is about 
TO ADDRESS TiiEM." — BIrs Child's Reminiscences. 

In the Spring of 1837, the Abolitionists of the large commonwealth of Ohio 
held a State Convention. A great portion of the delegates to it were women. 
At this time, JAMES G. BIRNEY was editor of an Anti-Slavery newspaper 
in that State, and was present at the meeting, and participated in its pro- 
ceedings. On being interrogated as to whether their admission was accidental 
or owing to the great interest the Abolitionists of that State took in the Anti- Sla- 
very question, — Mr Birney replied : — " Purely accidental, I presume. It never oc- 
curred to me there Avas anything strange in such a measure. It seemed so 
natural and proper, thsit THE ABOLITION OF THE WOMEN should be 
REPRESENTED as well as that of the men."— J/rs Child's Reiruniscences. 

In America, by the term "Woman's Rights," it is understood that females 
arc entitled to equal religious, civil and political privileges with men. 
Those who have seceded from the original American Anti-Slavery Society, 
are resolved to identify it with this question, on the ground that women, 
who have been constitutionally admitted as members, are not cast out. 
This Society has in view, simply, the extinction of the Slave system. 
It appeals to those of all sects and parties to labour in their own way for 
its accomplishment. An assent to the principles of Immediate Uncondi- 
tional Emancipation, is the only test and bond of union. This is the only- 
standard around which Abolitionists rally. AH who ascend upon this 
platform are bound to leave their peculiar sectarian views behind them. 
By this simple principle, minds the most heterogeneous and opposite on 
other questions, harmonize. It tolerates the views of all, without giving 
any opinion upon any question, which distracts the religious or political 
world. Here Protestant, Catholic, and Jew, make common cause against 
this great enemy of God and man; and their souls, 

"Like kindred drops, are mingled into one." 

The various religious denominations differ widely, as respects the pro- 
priety of Women participating publicly in matters of religion. One sect 
conferring on them equal rights and privileges with the men, — another 
allowing them to pray and exhort in promiscuous assemblies, while a third 
deprecates all such public action as indelicate and unscriptural. Tliis 
being a question peculiar to sects, the individual who refuses to co-operate 
with a society, because it refuses to take any cognizance of the appropriate 
sphere of women, might with the same propriety withdraw, on the ground 
that it would not condemn or approve of Unitarianism, Methodism, or the 
principles of the Established Church : tiie former being equally as 
peculiar to sects as the latter. If one sect secedes, because women are 
admitted, — another may with equal justice and propriety, leave on account 
of their rejection. If the Society io allowed to entertain this, then it may 
entertain any other sectarian question, and hence the Anti-Slavery plat- 
form would necessaHly become the arena of sectarian strife and contention, 
until those of different sects and parties should retire, and the noble 
edifice, erected for the bondman's redemption, becomes vacated and 
desolate. Tiie American Anti-Slavery Societ}' soars above all the con- 
tending elements which separate man from his brother, and cannot, without 
a breach of faith, and a violation of its constitution, sit in judgment upon 
any other question, than the Immediate Emancipation of those in bonds. 
Who has withdrawn from your government, because a FEMALE sits 



24. 

upon the ihrone, or because women are allowed to vote for directors who 
virtually govern 120.000,000 of British subjects in India — or because they 
are permitted, equally with men, to vote for governors and directors in the 
Bank of England, which regulates the fiscal and commercial interests ot 
this vast empire ? Who has refused to purchase or consume fish, because 
women, with. hea%'y burdens upon their backs, publicly and in the presence 
of thousands, cry them for sale ? V."ho would secede from a church, 
which should receive one of these women into its embrace? 

Notwiihstanding the great distress and confusion occasioned in the 
Anti-Slavery ranks by this unhappy movement of the Clerical Appellants, 
the Abolitionists tliis year (1S37) succeeded in preventing the admission 
of Texas as a Slave-State into the Federal Union. 

The death of E. P. Lovejoy. who was martyred at Alton by a mob, for 
publishing an Anti-Slavery paper, gave a fresh stimulus to the Abolition 
movements. 

The Abolitionists, fearing that atiotbcr enort might be made to disturb 
the harmony of their operations, and desiring to discourage all attrnr ^* 
to divide their forces, like that of the ''American Union' of lS3o, or tno 
" Clerical Appeal'^ of 1537, at a full annual meeting of the Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery Society, in Jan., 153S, unanimously passed the following Re- 
solution, which was introduced by the Rev. A. St, Clair, now a member of 
the new Association, the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society : — 

*•' Resolved : — That Abolitionists have in view a siruih object — the Abolition 
of Slavery : that to accomplish this great end, we all meet ou equal and common 
groimd : that we will require of no man a KEriGiors or pouticai. test, but 
hail every friend of Imme-iiate Emancipation as a brother, and extend to him the 
right hand of Anti- Slavery fellowship: that we not only rg'-sct, but will refu- 
BiATE every attempt at orpani:atson on sectarian ground, and rsows on auy 
at tempt to divide our ranks, as virtual enmitv to the great cause — as calcnlatc-I 
to distract Anti-Slatt-ru Societies, and to tiuTi their efforts against each other, 
instead of Slavery." 

In May, 1 S33, at the annual meeting of the American Anti-SIavcry 
Society, in order to prevent any division among Abolitionists on poliii- 
cal or sectarian grounds, the following resolutions were unanimQu>l\ 
adopted : — 

" Resolted : — That it is the glory of the Anti-Slavery cause, that its princi- 
ples are of such fundamenteJ importance to the welfare of the whole hiinia". 
family, that men who rfjVjfer tcidelr/ from each other on political and theohjo'c^ 
subjects can labour Aarmoniouslt/ together for its promotion, and that no poHucai 
party or religious denomination, which is not in itseif corrupt, has anything to 
fear fit)m its progress or final triumph. 

Resolved: — That while we hail with joy the efforts of our brethren of any 
religious denomination in which Slavery exists, to purify their own church from 
the sin of Slavery, we should deprecate the formation of any Anti- Slavery So- 
ciety, which imposes a religious or political test for the purpose of rendering the 
And- Slavery cause subserviejit to the interests of a sect or party, or of opposisg 
existing organizations/' 

Public sentiment had now become so changed in Massachusetts by an 
Abolition warfare of eight years, that those clergymen who pursued an 
openly pro-Slavery course were nearly as liable to public censure as those 
who advocated the principles of freedom ; hence the repeated declaration 
on their part, that they were " as much opposed to Slavery as any one." 
Though they had not, as a body, undergone any change, yet they saw 
that, in order to check the progress of Emancipation, every movement 
should be made with great care, as the public, thus divided in opinion, 



vris: not easily mamged; hence they hid their opposition beneath the pro> 
fe>*ion of a deep stdicitade for the poor Slave, vrhile, at the same time, 
they eondemned the movements of the Abolitionists. 

The exposure o£ the devices of the '* Ct^ric^I Appellants,'' and their 
consequent defeat, did not add in the lea>t to the popularity of Mr Gar- 
rison, or of his newspaper, the Liberator. He has a stj-le peculiar to him- 
self, bv •which he destroys at a blow what another would hew down by piece- 
meal. He continues to be the great object of offence. The modification 
of public opinion upon the Emancipation question was now so great, that 
clergymen felt called i:pi.^a to make some apology for standing aloof from it. 
All their former subterfuges had been swept away in succession. The 
peculiar notions of Garrison now constituted the great objection. " Have 
you got rid of Garrison yet ?" says one. " Discountenance his course, 
and I will join you," said another. " I cannot labour with Garrison." 
said a third. These objections, by dint of constant repetition, led those 
who often urged them, and those who heard them, to think that there was 
something about Mr Garrison that would chill to ice the very Anti-Slaverv 
Teelings within them. Not so. thought those who witnessed his oneness 
of purpose — his constant devotion — his great sacrifices — his faithfulness 
and tried integrity — ^his Christian and heavenly demeanour — his unwaver- 
ing reliance on God to bless and crown with success all human efforts for 
truth and the salvation of men : — not so, thought those whose souls had 
been interested in behalf of their oppressed countrymen, by his powerful 
appeals ; — not so, thought those who perceived from whom came all their 
opposition. They well knew it was his uncompromisitip adherence to the 
cause of the Slave, which made him so obnoxious to the Slave-holder and 
his apologists ; — they knew that it was because he left no loop-hole for 
them to pass through as ministers, and yet remain dumb on the subject of 
Slavery. It was not the views which he entertained on other subjects, 
-but his rectitude on that of Slavery, which alienated them. They, like 
the infuriated Slave-hclding Legislature of Georgia, which offered a reward 
of 5000 dollars for his apprehension, thought that by displacing him. the 
principles would cease to disturb their inglorious quiet. False conclusion! 
The Anti-Slavery principles are from above, and therefore will prevail ; 
for the Lord hath declared it. 

The authors of the " Clerical Appeal,'' and those Abolition ministers 
who had sympathized with their movements, were, to a very great extent, 
reinstated in the affection and confidence of their pro-Slavery brethren, 
whose pastoral rights and ministerial usages had been so ably defended. 
Tins victory on the part cf the clergy, in conquering a portion of the Anti- 
Slavery ministry, made them determine craftily to subdue the remainder. 
They had learned by experience tliat the open hostility of the " Coloniza- 
tion Society'* towards this enterprize — the aftectcd neutrality of the 
" American Union."' and the insidious attack upon ITS MEASURES by 
the '' Clerical Appeal," had all proved inefiectual. They could not efiect 
their object while Mr Garrison^ stood upon the watch-tower of Freedom, 
surveying the whole ground, watching the enemies movements, and 
sounding through the columns of the Liberator, the note of alarm when 
an attack was likelv to be made. 



• See AppeiuKs P. 
P 



26 



CHAPTER V. 

THE PLOT. 

" And Joab said to Amasa, Art thou in health, my brother ? And .Toab took Auiasa by tlie beard with 
the right liand to l«iss him. But Amasa took no heed to the sword which was in Joab's hand, so he smote 
him tliereivith in tlie fifth rib." — Samuel. 

" But we do liope to find out all your trick's, 
Your plots, and packings, worse than those of Trent." 

MiLTOV. 

During the summer and autumn of 1838, a new effort was made on 
the part of a few clergymen, some of whom sympathized with the " Cle- 
rical Appeal" conspiracy, while others had most strenuously opposed it, 
among whom were Rev. A. A. Phelps, Rev. A. St. Clair, and Rev. 
Daniel Wise, three salaried agents of the Old Massachusetts Anti-Slavery 
Society. The object of this secret attempt was to subvert the Liberator, 
and hence the power of Mr Garrison, by influencing the Society to issue 
a cheap weekly paper, the e.vpense of whicli sliould be but about one- 
third the price of the Liberator. It was not at tirst to exhibit any signs 
of hostility, but was, on the contrary, recommended as admirably adapted 
to aid in extending its circulation, as it could gain access, on account of 
its cheapness, into many places where the Liberator could not, and might 
thus serve to introduce it. 

The first intimation of this movement (for it was cleverly managed, and 
kept within the breasts of its originators, except when revealed to a confi- 
dant) was from a confidential letter received by P. C. Pettibone, a candi- 
date for the ministry at Andover, from the Rev. Charles T. Torrej', a 
sympathizer with the division in 1837. 

Mr Torrey had previously employed Mr Pettibone as an agent, and 
therefore felt that he had secured his confidence. The letter dwelt on 
the great influence of Mr Garrison, and thence argued that it would not 
be safe to attack him, or the Liberator, openly — on the great need there 
was of « new paper, which he (Mr Torrey) had ascertained by ^^ sounding 
the clergy throughout the State ; and they loere for it to a many " Now, 
Brother Pettibone," he wrote, "have on a full delegation at the annual 
meeting, at ten o'clock in the morning, prepared to stay two days. Have 
them pledged for the new paper, &c., and we will show them how it is 
done." " What can this letter mean ?'' thought this licentiate. His mind 
dwelt upon its leading features : — " Great influence of Mr Garrison." 
" It wont do to attack him or the Liberator openly." " Must have a new 
paper;" and " «^/ the clergy are for it." He immediately resolved to 
acquaint a few friends with its contents. They saw in it the marks of its 
predecessors, the " Union" and « Appeal," — they saw in it another insi- 
dious attempt of professed friends to neutralize the Anti-Slavery principles, 
by listening and yielding to the demands of Slavery, and to sacrifice upon 
its shrine, as a peace-offering, one of freedom's first and most devoted 
champions. 

This letter revealed the plot which many were suspicious was in pro- 
gress, but which had been managed so adroitly as to defeat all attempts at 
detection. 

To others, letters were Mritten, adapted to their various prejudices. 



27 

Circulars were addressed to Societies and iiKiividual^"-, caliini; upon tliem 
to have full delegations at fiie annual lueetiiig of the ?*lassaeliusetts Aiiti- 
Slavcry Society, to be lield iu Doston, Jan., 1839, pledged tor the new paper. 
Ill the nieaiiwhile, the three agents of the Society referred to ; Revs. 
Messrs. Phelps, Wise, and St. Clair, were secretly using their influence 
to accomplish the same object. In due time, this plot was exposetl by 
Mr Garrison ; the note ot alarm was raised, and the Abolitionists were 
warned to prepare themselves for tlie great contliet which was again about 
to mar the harmony of the Anti-Slavery cause. It was their design to 
have established this paper without creating any jealousy or opposition ; 
and, when it should acquire a circulation and influence sutiicient to justify 
the movement, tlien it was to bring its readers gradually, and almost im- 
perceptibly, to their views, and thus, by stratagem, to get possession of the 
Anti-Slavery enterprise. But this revelation of their movements led 
them, in justification of their manoeuvrings, to declare that the Liberator 
(its editor being a non-resistant) could not advocate political action. The 
Anti-Slavery question had, with them, suddenly changed its character from 
a moral to a political enterprise ; — the Liberator had become too tame on 
the question of politics for these men, who had rather have a noise around 
the polls than the pulpit — though that paper had ever, consistently, and 
with great effect, urged as a duty, that political men should exercise their 
political influence for the Abolition of Slavery. 

It is proper to state, in this connexion, that the Liberator is Mr Gar- 
rison's individual private property, and that no man or body of men — no 
one but its editor — is responsible for the sentiments it may contain on any 
subject; and also, that, at times of great pecuniary distress, Mr Garrison 
has refused most liberal offers to have it made the organ of the Society, 
having invariably refused to be trammelled by a committee, as the Liber- 
ator was designed to be a free journal. Its columns were then, as now, 
open to the admission, without expense, of any documents the Society 
might see fit to publish officially; thus giving the Society the advantage 
of an organ, without its expense or responsibility. 

Nothing now would answer the purpose but a paper which would advo- 
cate voting at the polls as a Christian duty. That part of the constitution 
which relates to the object and measures of the Society says : — " The 
object of this Society shall be to endeavour, by all means sanctioned 
by law, humanity, and religion, to effect the Abolition of Slavery in the 
United States."* This declaration was negative, rather than positive. It 
answered an objection of the Slave-holders at the time it was written. 
It meant that the Society would not infringe upon the principles of " law, 
humanity, or religion," in prosecuting its enterprise, but would act in 
coiiformity to the principles of each ; thus leaving each man to be his own 
judge as to its requisitions, otherwise there could be no understanding — 
no constitution — no Society. Those who vote at the polls to aff'ect the 
State — those wlio operate upon their respective churches — and those who 
exercise what power they possess for the Slave, independent of political 
or ecclesiastical organizations, are all covered by the broad a:gis of the 
constitution, as faitiiful members, "LAW!'" Well; to these plotters 
for division, ''law" could mean nothing in this connexion but the Chris- 
tian duty of every man, his conscientious scruples to the contrary not- 
withstanding, to vote at the polls. \V'eII, the ''Law" "sanctions" my 
expending all my property in purchasing Slaves, to give them their liberty ; 
but, as my religion forbids the act, shall I be ejected from the Society ? 

• See Appendix E, 



28 

*i Law" "sanctions" my becoming a member of every ecclesiastical 
organization in the country, and thereby exercising an influence upon 
them for the Abolition of Slavery; but because my conscience will not 
permit, shall I be branded as recreant to the cause of the Slave ? It 
•was evident, to every " looker on in Venice" what was tlieir design. Mr 
Garrison could not, on account of his religious opinions, vote at the polls ; 
and, as a clergyman remarked, we must press this voting questiony as it 
is the only thing that will rid us of Garrison and the non-resistants. 

The day of the annual meeting arrived. It was a day of anxiety to the 
friends of freedom. They did not know but that the combination of the 
clergy was so great that they would flock to this meeting, and take the 
cause into their hand, as it were, by storm. 

But as this movement appeared likely to prove a failure, those who had 
privately encouraged it shrank from an identification M'ith it, until they 
saw what was to be its fate; and, as the sequel will show, left the few 
foremost to manage the defeat the best way they could. 

The Rev. Mr Torrey introduced a resolution that the Society should im- 
mediately issue a newspaper. To this it was replied, that there had been 
no expression given by the Abolitionists that another Anti-Slavery paper 
in the State was needed — that, notwithstanding all the private plottings 
for months, only half-a-dozen hands at one meeting had been raised in 
its favour, and by those, too, who did not understand its object. While 
the fate of this paper project was pending, the Rev. Mr Plielps and the 
Rev. Mr St. Clair raised a doubt, for the first time, as to the right of 
■women to vote on its decision. 

This was hardly a debateable question for a Society which had (1st) 
welcomed all persons as fellow-labourers, by its constitution ; — (2d) had 
made women life-members by the payment of fifteen dollars ;* — and 
(3d) had, years previously, declared, that in this cause of philanthropy, 
as ABOLITIONISTS, "men and women have the same rights and the 
same duties." This question was left to the President, Francis Jackson, 
Esq., to decide. It was not for the man who had opened the doors of his 
house, at the risk of its destruction, to the Boston Female Anti-Slavery 
Society, after it had been broken up, and its members insulted by a mob of 
5000 " gentlemen of property and standing," and every public place re- 
fused them, — it was not for hiin to decide that the constitution of the 
Society should be trampled upon by ejecting its members. He ruled that 
" it was in order for women to vote," and, from this decision, no appeal 
was taken. The whole subject of the new Anti-Slavery paper was inde- 
finitely postponed, by a vote of 183 to 24. 

Defeated in this movement, the next step was to force upon the Society 
the new political theory of the party. The following resolution, in Mr 
H. B. Stanton's hand-writing, submitted to the Business-Committee, to 
be presented to the meeting for adoption, will reveal their design : — . 

" Resolved, — That every minister of the g-ospel is bound to preach against 
Slavery; that every .member of a christian church is bound to have no fellow- 
ship with this unfruitful work of darkness ; that every ecclesiastical body is 
bound to purify itself of these abominations ; and that every person entitled to 
the elective franchise, is bound not only to refrain from voting for persons as 
national and state officers, who are unwilling to use all their authority for the 
immediate abolition of Slavery, but is bound at ever)/ election, to repair to t/ic 
polls, and cast his vote for such men as will go to the verge of their official 
authority for its instant annihilation ; and that every member of an Anti-Slaveri/ 
Society who re/uses, UNDEK AKY pketext, thus to act morally or politically, or 

• -See Appendix F, ,^ 



29 

counsels others to such n course, is guilti/ of gross ixconststkncy, and xcidchj 
departs from the oriijinal and fundamental principles of the Anti-Slaveri/ 
enterp7-isc.'' 

The Rev, Mr St. Clair offered one in its stead, less proscriptive : and 
the following was introduced by Mr Garrison as a substitute, which was 
in perfect conformity witli the uniform usage of the Society, and the 
principles of its constitution. It was passed by a vote of 183 to 24 : — 

" Resolved, — That those Abolitionists who feel themselves called upon, by a 
sense of duty, to go to the ])olIs, and yet purposely absent thcuisulves from the 
polls whenever an opportunity is presented to vote for a fi"iend of the Slave — or 
who, when there, follow their party predilections to the abaudouuient of their 
Abolition principles, are recreant to their high professions and unworthy of the 
name they assume." 

The Society, forpassing this resolution, refusing to admit a new test, has 
been branded as a no-human-govcrnment Society, by the Members and 
friends of tiie New Organization, now called the " American and Foreign 
Anti-Slavery Society." The resolution will sj)eak. for itself. It refuses to 
interfere with the private opinions of any of its members, on any subject 
foreign from the question of Emancipation. The Society, in the hmguage 
of Messrs. Tappan, Wright, Phelps, and the other members of the Executive 
Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society, in 1837, felt that "o?t 
these sentimoits it had no authority to sit in judgment" — and that " with 
the abstract question of the rightfulness of human government it had 
nothing to do." 

Notwithstanding the public seal of disapprobation, which the Abolition- 
ists of Massachusetts had set to this newspaper project, a few individuals, 
secretly encouraged by the leading mcndjers of tlie Committee of the 
American Anti-Slavery Society, (which received from Massachusetts, in 
1838, 10,000 dollars, to carry on the national operations,) bent on the 
work of division, issued the paper, called tlie Massachusetts Abolitionist ; 
and Mr H. B. Stanton, the salaried Secretary of the American Anti- 
Slavery Society, was sent into Massachusetts, took the editorial charge of 
it, and canvassed the State, for the extension of ils circulation. Thus 
the Abolitionists of Massachusetts were delivering money into the 
National Treasury ; while Messrs. Tai)pan, Birney, Wright, Stanton, and 
the other members of the Committee were expending it for their anni- 
hilation ! All hostility to the Liberator was disclaimed, while tlu^y re- 
pudiated the reflection, that another rival State Society would be soon 
organized. A frank declaration of their intention would have completely 
defeated their object; and hence, honesty in this case was not their best 
policy. 

It was painful to behold a body of men, who had stood storm-proof 
against many an assault, — who had fouud strength to snap asunder their 
SECTARIAN TIES, ratlicr than abandon the Slave, and who had laboured 
and sacrificed much in the cause, now beginning, little by little, to yield, 
to propitiate the enemy. But during a ten years' warfuro, the minds of 
the Abolitionists had been prepared for such manifestations. They recol- 
lected that the Kov. Vlv Hall, who first started with Mr Garrison ; the Rev. 
Dr. Cox, wliose furniture was burnt in the streets of New-York by a 
mob ; the Rev. Mr Kirk, once the bold and eloquent advocate; the Hev. Mr 
Parker, and a long catalogue of others, wdiose names might be enumerated, 
had gone back to the " beggarly elements'' of pro-Slavery, and openly op- 
posed the Abolition movements. The raanoeuvrings of 1837 they had no 



30 

forgotten : and all these prepared their minds for any new revelations of 
change. Mr Birney now felt, that Non-resistant-Abolitionists could not 
consistently remain members of the Anti-Shivery Society. Mr Tappan 
now thought a New Society in Massachusetts was desirable. Such 
were the new manifestations. 

At the annual meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1839, 
an attempt was made, for the first time, to exclude persons from acting as 
members on account of their SKX. The Rev. Nathaniel Colver, at the 
head of a considerable number of clergymen, moved that none but rncn 
should have tlieir names placed upon the roll. His motion was so 
amended that none of its members or delegates in attendance should be 
excluded, and, in accordance with the language of the constitution,* 
inviting all persons according to previous usage, &c. 

It was argued, (1) that this was not a question of admission, but of 
exclusion — (2) that the Society had no constitutional right to exclude any 
description of persons but Slave-holders — (3) that it admitted all persons, 
and unless it could be proved that women were not persons, they could 
not be excluded — (4) that, as many Auxiliary Societies have women 
office-bearers, they wete. ex officio members of the Society, and entitled to 
seats — (5) that each local Society had a constitutional right to send up 
such delegates to represent them in the great American Society as they 
saw fit ; and that the Society was bound to receive them — (6) that refus- 
ing to eject the women woukl not commit the Society to the abstract 
question of Woman's Rights, more than refusing to reject Baptists would 
commit it to the doctrines of baptism, or Quakers, would commit it to the 
peculiar doctrines and practices of the Friends — (7) that as this question 
of. the appropriate duties of women was one on which there was a great 
diversity of opinions, and was, in America, common to different sects, the 
Society had no right to entertain the question — (8) that it was customary 
among the majority of the different sects for women to pray and exiiort in 
promiscuous assemblies — (9) that the uniform usage of the American 
Anti-Slavery Society was opposed to the rejection of its female members 
and delegates — 

Because (1) women in 1833, at its formation, made speeches; and that 
the Society passed a vote of thanks for their zeal and interest — (2) tliat 
the Society had always encouraged women to labour — (3) because the 
Society had never discouraged women's becoming officers of country and 
town Societies — (4) because the Society, in 1835, wished to delegate 
Mrs Child to visit England on the Anti-Slavery question ; and also, in 
1837, endeavoured to secure her as a travelling-agent, to give public lec- 
tures on Slavery — (5) because the Society, the same year, offered the Misses 
Grimke a commission to go out as lecturers, and, in their annual report 
of the same year, highly approved of their public labours, and (6) — that 
the American Society, had never made any opposition to their large 
and influential State Auxiliaries for receiving women as delegates, in 
previous years. 

In the course of the debate, Gerrit Smith, Esq., the president, (a 
gentleman who had at one time contributed to the American Anti- 
Slavery Society 10,000 dollars,) said: — 

" Brother Leavitt (editor of the Emancipatuf) is right. You can exclude no 
description of persons from the Society. As many women as are officers of Aux- 

• See Appendix G. 



31 

iliary Societies, ihey are ex officio entitled to seats iiere.* Common usage in this 
matter lias been brought forward. I never before last evening heard usage 
quoted to overthrow the plain letter of a constitution. Religious scruples, also, 
have been brought forward. It has been well said in reply, there is also a con- 
science on the other side I have been grieved at the threats of secession thrown 

out. I liopc those who have made them will think better of it. I was slow, too 
slow, to withdraw from the Colonization Society. / shall be very slow to ivith- 
dr aw from this Society. You must bo guilty oi palpable gross immorality, 
and must show a disposition to continue in it, before I shall do so. Ikother 
Birncy thinks we should propose an amendment to the constitution. He gets 
the saddle on the wrong horse. The constitution suits us as it is. One word 
more. If some Auxiliary Societies prefer to send ur here, as their delegates, 
your [Mrs] Chapmans, your [Miss] Kelleys, and your [Mrs] Barneys, have we 
the right to object ? If a woman can do my work best, I wish to be at liberty 
to select a woman." 

The Society refused to reject the women, by an overwhelming n)ajority; 
and, to prevent the impression, that by this act of placing women upon 
committees, the Society was in favour of Woman's Rights, &'c., this 
same committee, of whom Messrs. Tappan, Birney, and Stanton were lead- 
ing members, immediately issued an address to the public, from which the 
following sentiment is extracted, which will show in what light this act was 
viewed by them in May, 1839: — 

" The vote of the Society, being grounded on the phraseology of its consti- 
tution, cannot be justly regarded as committing the Society in favour of any 
controverted principle, respecting the equal rights of women to participate in the 
management of public affiairs." 

They even allowed the Emaiicipator, tlieir organ to declare, that — 

" A contrary decision, unsupported by the constitution, [i.e. a decision to ex- 
clude the women,] would have been taking sides on a question respecting which 
the Society was bound to entire neutrality." 

This is the precise feeling and position of the original American Anti- 
Slavery Society, up to this hour, on this subject. It refuses to entertain 
this or any other extraneous question. The Society now harmonizes 
with the sentiments of Messrs, A. & L. Tappan, Leavitt, Wrigiit, Phel[)s, 
and all of the Committee of this same Society in 1837, and in their 
language, declares that, on this question, "it has NO AUTHORITY 
to sit in jndgmentr 



CHAPTER VI. 



A NEW PRETENCE. 



A mere disguise in wliith a devil links, 
Who yet betrays his secret by his works." 

COWPER 



Elizur Wright, Jun., the once-loved Secretary of the American Anti- 
Slavery Society, but now unfortunately drawn into the meshes of clerical 
influence, resigned Ins office in the American Society, and filled Mr 
Stanton's post as editor of the new paper, Avhich now began to exercise 
the most unrelenting hostility towards the Liberator, ]Mr Garrison, and 
the Society which refused to exclude him. 

• See Ai)i)ondix H. 



32 

Five months had hardly been added to the existence of this new paper, 
before a body of clergymen, with a few laymen, met in convention, 
in Boston, without any public call, or intimation of such a movement, 
and formed a new State Society, called the Massachusetts Abolition 
Society, declaring that the original society had adopted questions, which 
to the " cause had become a mill-sfo?ie to sink to the depths of a bottom- 
less ocean, the hopes of enslaved millions" 

At the meeting at which this Society was formed, the reasons assigned 
for the necessity for such a step, were as various as the speakers. Its 
Committee finally issued a public manifesto, assigning the reasons which 
led the seceders to withdraw from the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery So- 
ciety. These were : — 

1st. The adoption of the Woman's-Right question ! 

2d. It had lost its political efficiency ! 

3d. Its adoption of tlic no-human-government theory 1 

These extraordinary assertions will need no argument to disprove them, 
since the reader has been permitted to view the machinery, which had 
been previously set in motion, to lower the cause, by tampering with its 
principles. The defeat of the movers to get possession of the Society, 
led to this open warfare. 

This New Association, now using every possible means for the deS' 
truction of the Old Society, had not existed five months, when a special 
MEETING of the American Anti-Slavery Society was summoned to meet 
in Ohio, by its Committee, of whom ]\Iessrs. Birney, Tappan, and Stan- 
ton, were leading members, and in full fellowship with the few seceders 
in Massachusetts. This act of the Committee, without precedent in the 
history of the American Society, in calling a Special Meeting at that time 
and place, the distance (about 600 miles from its usual place of meeting) 
being too great to admit of many of the New England Abolitionists being 
present, led them to fear that there was some ulterior object to be secured 
by this Meeting, and tiie following revelations will show that their fears 
■were not without foundation. 

The following extracts from a confidential letter from E. 
WRIGHT, Jun.,* formerly Secretary of the American Society, and at 
this time Secketaky of the New Association in Massachusetts, proves 
conclusively, that the Woman and Political questions were only pre- 
tences to hide the main question, and by means of which, to destroy 
the influence of tlie uncompromising individuals and societies, who would 
not adopt the new theories unrecognized by the Constitution. 

It should be kept in mind, that the value of this letter consists in the 
fact, that it was for private, and not for public ufc. Here the animxis of 
the plot was revealed. 

" Dear Stantois-, — Saw only a streak of you as you passed here. So I must 
say a word in scrawl, which I should have said vocally. It is this : — as you are 
a man and no mouse, urge the American Society at Cleveland, to take a decided 

• This having been a covfidcntud letter, nmch surprise has been expressed at its 
being made public. Its history may be given in few words. II. B. Stanton, being one 
of the Comnuttco of arrangement of the Meeting in Ohio, above referred to, and to 
whom letters on the object of tlie meeting were addressed, in handing these over to 
the Business Committee, nniiitcntionallii, it is jircsumed, inchided this Letter from INIr 
Vt'right. One of the Committee, on rciiding it, insmedintely informed l\lr Garrison of 
its existence and contents, who, a])prelu'nsive tlint it niiL-h't be i\lioaa\ enquired of Mr 
Wright, through the columns of the Lihcnifor, us to its iiuthcnticity. The follow- 
ing week, Mr Wright answered Mr Carrison, by i)ubli.-hing the Letter entire, in 
the Massachusetts Abolitionist, from which it was transferred into the columns of the 
Liberator. 



33 '< 

step towards Presidential Candidates. While we are about it, let's have good 
stuff. I am satisfied, the best we have will do. Let a candidate take well in 

his own State, and he can be made popular any where else. If* _ is the 

thing- in , he will certainly do elsewhere. , if he has not gone over the 

non-resistance dam, would do well perhaps it might save him. 

" There are men enoup:h, if they will only stand, and they must be made to 
stand. If the thing- is done judiciously, and deliberately, there will bo no 
difficulty. Provided we get good stuff, not much will depend upon the previous 
fame of our candidates — we can manufacture their notoriety as we go along-. * * 

"One thing I know, unless you do take such a step ouii new organization 
HERE IS A GONE CASE. It has bccu, intcr nos, suogkingly mismanaged. 
Every thing has been made to turn upon the loonian quation. The political has 
been left to fall out of sight. 

" It wont do for vs to start the national politics. But if the Parent Societi/ 
docs so, and not by our movements, then we can take hold with all our might ; 
the Non-resistants will liave to bo out upon us, under the true flag, and the con- 
founded woman question will be forgotten — and we shall take a living position. 
You certainly see this. Take my solemn assurance that it is life and death 
WITH us. Make the move, and ive ivill follow and live. 

«E. WRIGHT, JuN," 

« Dobcuester, October \Oth, 1839." 

Here Mr Wright declares, that the "Woman question" does not 
answer the purpose for which it was designed, that " the political " 
question has failed ; and that there must be a new issue, or else " IT 
IS A GONE CASE" with their NEW ORGANIZATION. 

In proof of Mr Wright's assertion, that " the political had been left to 
fall out of sight,'' one or two facts, from a great multitude, must answer 
the present purpose. By reference to the petitions of the Massachusetts 
Senate, &c., it will be found, that the whole number of petitioners, whose 
names were sent up to the Massachusetts Legislature, in 1840, with 
respect to the admission of Florida as a Slave State, into tlie union, was 
39,056 — of this number, 1,727 were sent up by the New Organization, 
(the seceders ;) and 37,329 were sent up by the Old Massachusetts Anti- 
Slavery Society. One fact more. The Chairmen of the Committees on 
Slavery, in both the lower house and Senate, were both Vice-presidents 
of this " no-human-govcrnment Society," as Mr Wright and otiiers call 
it. Abolitionists are indebted to tlie faithfulness of tliese two men, Hon. 
G. T. Davis, and George Bradburn Esq., for their very able reports and 
strong resolutions, introduced by them and passed by both Houses, which 
condemned Slavenj in the strongest terms, and indorsing, in full, the doc- 
trines of Immediate and Unconditional Emancipation. 

It had been, even up to this time, the policy of the American Aboli- 
tionists to act politically, without forming a distinct political party, which 
would, necessarily, be hostile to the existing great political parties ; and 
to vote for such men only, irrespective of their party politics, as were 
opposed to Slavery, and would exercise their constitutional power for 
its immediate Abolition ; thus, alter the English mode in the West 
India Emancipation struggle, throwing the balance of power into the 
hands of the party most favourable to this grand object. By this 
means they strove to make it the interest of both parties, to nominate 
men favourable to Abolition, and in this mode of action they have been 
most successful. 

The Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society had, up to the 
time this letter of Mr Wright was written, uniformly condemned the 

• Gerrit Sniitli, Esq, 



34 

organizatioa of a new political party, as adapted to produce the greatest 
possible injury to the Anti-Slavery cause. The following extracts from 
official documents, issued by the Committee of tlio Society from year to 
year, M'ill fully substantiate the trutli of tliis proposition. 

From the Com.mittee's Annual Uouort of 1838, the following is 
extracted : — 

" This Society has no rewards to bestow but those of a good conscience. We 
have opened, and shall open, no road to political preferment." 

The following is from the Report of the Committee of tlie American 
Society, and which was unanimously adopted by the Abolitionists in 
1837:— 

" It is to be expected, that some political icoloes will put on the clotJiiiuj uf 
Aholitiouism, and seek to elevate themselves, and manage the Anti-Slavery 
Organization to suit their own purposes. But ti'ieij ouijht to he met on the 
threshlwld and stripped of their disguise. — The best safeguard against their 
entrance is for Abolitionists, while they firmly refuse to vote for a man who will 
not support Abolition measm-es, TO AVOID SETTING UP CANDI- 
DATES OF THEIR OWN.'' 

At the same meeting the following resolution was adopted : — 

"Resolved, — As the sense of this Society, that while Abolitionists OUGHT 
NEITHER TO ORGANIZE A DISTINCT POLITICAL PARTY, nor 
as Abolitionists to attach tliemselves to any existing partVj the people of all 
parties are solemnly bound, by the principles of our civil and religious institu- 
tions, to refuse to support any man for office, who will not sustain the freedom 
of speech, freedom of the press, the right of petition, and the Abolition of 
Slavery and the Slave-Tradc in the District of Columbia and the territories, and 
who will not oppose the introduction of any new Slave State into the Union." 

In the same year it was declared — 

" That Abolitionists from the first, have resolved to act upon Slavery politi- 
cally ; NOT BY ORGANIZING A NEW POLITICAL PARTY, but by 
making it the interest of both parties already existing, to act upon Abolition 
principles." 

The Committee, in their Report to their constituents, the American 
Abolitionists, in 1838, in speaking on this subject, make use of the follow- 
ing language : — 

" He is not worthy the name of an Abolitionist, who does not put the Anti- 
Slavery qualification above any and all others, in selecting the candidate to 
receive his vote. The principle of using our sutl'rago in favour of Emancipation, 
WHILE WE NEITHER ORGANIZE A DISTINCT PARTY, nor at- 
tach ourselves to any already existing, is vital to our cause." 

The Committee, in July, 1838, fearing that some few political Aboli- 
tionists would make an attempt to organize an Anti-Slavery political 
party, and thus jeopardize its safety and success, issued an address to the 
Abolitionists of the United States expressly upon this question. The 
following paragraphs are extracted from a circular, which was lithograph- 
ed and sent to the leading abolitionists in the country. The Committee 
say that — 

"At the last annual meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society, the fol- 
lowing resolution was adopted: — 

"Resolved — That WE DEPRECATE THE ORGANIZATION OF 
ANY ABOLITION POLITICAL PAiCrV; hut that we recommend to 
Abolitioniijls throughout the country to interrogate candidates for office, with 
reference to their opinions ou subjects connected u iih the abolition of Slavery; 



35 

and to vote, irrespective of party, for those only who will advocate the principles 
of universal liberty. 

" Ecsolutions embodying- the same idea have been passed by the New England 
Anti- Slavery Convention ; and, we believe, b>/ nearlij all, if not all, the State 
Anti-Slaver!/ Societies. 

" The undersigned think the time has come, when the friends of the Slave, 
throug-hout the Free States, should act fnlli/ up to the LETTER arid SPIRIT 
of these resolutions. ***•*****« 

" All the resolutions above referred io, deprecate the formation of a distinct 
Anti-Slavery politiccd parti/. Wo hope our friends in your region WILL DIS- 
COUNTENANCE _ ANY SUCH ATTEMPT, or any effort to unite our 
interests with any existing' party. Such a course would surely neutralize our 
influence, if it did not produce distraction and ruin. Our streng-tli, yea, our 
invincibility will be found to consist, in first sacrificing our partizan predilections 
on the altar of humanity, and then holding ourselves entirely aloof from both 
the political parties. Our motto sliould be, * Form alliances icith no political 
parti/, but enstamp our principles nj>on all. Thus acting and tlms rallying, as 
one man, to their support, we must be felt. 

"It is possible, that, in some cases, neither party will put in nomination men 
for whom you can consistently vote ; for no profession of our principles ouglit 
to be regarded, when it is unattended with a good moral deportment. In that 
case. Abolitionists should either 7iot vote at all, or scatter their votes as circum- 
stances may render advisable. Where a majority of all the votes is rcejuired to 
an election, the latter course may be found wise. In the language of one of the 
most distinguished statesmen of the country, ' Such a parti/ will assuredli/ cause 
itself to be respected.'' 

" By order of the Executive Committee, 

"JAMES G. BIRNEY, ) „ 

E. WRIGHT, Jr., } Corresponding 

HENRY B. STANTON, ) Sees.''* 

The Committee, in May, 1839, in their address to the Abolitionists of 
the United States, with respect to their political elections, again condemn 
a New Political Organization, in the following expressive language, mak- 
ing it equally as fallacious and uncalled for as the formation of a National 
Anti-Slavery Church, which would necessarily set all sects and parties at 
war against the Anti-Slavery cause : — 

" Abolitionists are associated for a single object : — to ciianse the civil, social, 
and moral condition of the coloured people. We believe this can be brought 
about, WITHOUT DESTROYING EXISTING ORGANIZATIONS 
IN THE STATE OR IN THE CHURCH. There is no statesman of any 
political creed, — no religionist of any sect, — who may not consistently give us 
his aid." 

By the above extracts it will be seen, that the Committee of the Ame- 
rican Anti-Slavery Society, whose duty it was to watch over the interests 
of the cause, and to sound the alarm when the Citadel of Freedom was 
likely to be assailed by foes without, or to be endangered by revolt withit), 
faithful to their trust in 1836, 1837, 1838, and even up to May 1839, 
only five months previous to the appearance of this extraordinay letter 
of ]MR "WRIGHT, condemned in their reports and official addresses, in 
the strongest manner possible, the formation of a new political party, us 
pregnant with the greatest evils, and adapted to corrupt, alienate, and 
destroy all Anti-Slavery Organizations, But in October, 1839, when, 
according to MR WRIGHT'S own language, a political party was the 
only expedient for the salvation of the seceding party in Massachusetts, 

* Now the three most active leaders for that policy which they then condeuuicd. 
Mr Biniey recently allowed himself to be run as a candidate for President of the United 
States, and received about 6,000 votes, out of the 2,500,000 votes which were polled. 



36 

with which the American Committee were actively implicated, not a note 
of warning is raised against it, even though nine-tentiis of the Abolition- 
ists of the entire country were seriously and actively opposed to it. The 
Committee not only remained silent as to condemning this new movement, 
but even went farther, and allowed the Emancipator, their mouth-piece, 
to advocate the very scheme which they had uniformly, and but a few 
months previously, condemned. As tlie " New Orgaiiizationists " were 
unable to succeed in their work of division, by their cry against '« Wo- 
man^s Rights" " Non-Resistancc" and other unpopular questions, they 
have endeavoured, and in many cases have succeeded, in changing the 
issue from these to the Third Political Party Question. 

This third political party movement had not only been stoutly con- 
demned by the American Society up to 1839, but by all the editors of 
Anti-Slavery newspapers. E. Wright, Jan., in 1835, 1836, 1837, 1838, 
and even up to August, 1839, only two months previous to the writing 
of this letter, condemned (as will be seen by the extracts below) what he 
now declares to be necessary for the salvation of the seceding party. 

" Look on this Picture, and on this." 

E. WRIGHT, Jun., versus E. WRIGHT, Jun. 

"Good Advice. — We [ELIZUR " One i\\vc\g I knovj. Unless you do 

WRIGHT, Jun.,] take the liberty to take such a step, {J'orm a human-rigMs 

publish the following [extract of a part,i,-\ OUR NEW ORGANIZA- 

iQiiQV,^^^^ commend it to the attention TION HERE ISA GONE CASE. 

oj our readers : — " Let Abolitionists It has been, inter tios, SHOCKINGLY 

REMAIN with THE POLITICAL PARTIES MISMANAGED." — E. Wright, Jun. 

to which THEY BELONG, but let them Oct. \83'J. 
be more active. I hope the new or- 
ganization will, in their zeal for political " Between no.govern?nent and a hu- 

action, be careful not to favour either ^nan-rights [third political] party, we 

of the great political parties, or opoose ^^'"'^ ^^^ have demonstrated there is no 

them, as such. Cast the leaven 'into "Middle ground, on more occasions than 

both— WORK WITH BOTH — PURIFY oiic. —B. Wright, Juu. Nov. 1839. 

^^'T^-?'^^'/" t^^ ^r^' ^°^'; "^^^ '^''^ " We must have a human-right's 
and unite for the overthrow of Slavery ^^j^j^^, 1;^;,^!^ ^ ^^j ^j^^t soon, 

^n,TI'}''''?oo:r ^''^ ' «i- the problem of liberty is again to be 

..^u' • • 1 .. • a> worked out in blood." _£. TF>7y/^ 

" The principle of using our suffrage Jan. Dec. \83Q. 
in favour of Emancipation, ichile tee 

neither organize a distinct parti/, nor " In all sincerity, we ask those edi- 

attach ourselves to any already existing, tors who oppose such a course, why 

is vital to our cause." — Idem. 1838. they may not as well become Non-Rc- 

Similar sentiments were written by sistants, anddoneAvithit?" — E.Wright, 

him in 1836 and 1837. Jun. 1840. 

The extracts given above from the writings of Mr Wright, one of the 
prime leaders of the division, will clearly prove that it is not the American 
Anti-Slavery Society which has changed, but himself and coadjutors. 
Were it not that this pamphlet is already swelled to twice the size it was 
originally designed, the same change in all the principal leaders of the 
division could be made manifest from their own writings. But sufficient 
has been given to make this point appear aliuudantly plain, and tJierefore 
more proof is entirely unnecessary. 

From that time, the formation of a new, distinct political party has been 
the question which, to this hour, has been advocated by the Seceders with 
a zeal worthy of a better cause. Now, they are bold to declare, that 
those Avho do not advocate a " third political party are no-government 



37 

men" — that " a political party is the only position worthy of free and 
independent minds." Quotations, to an indefinite extent, might be 
adduced, to show the entire change which has taken place on the part of 
those who advocate division. The then Committee of the American 
Anti-Slavery Society, having failed to carry over the Abolitionists to 
tlieir views as a body, resolved to drive the ploughshare of division 
tliiough the entire Anti-Slavery field. They have been able, however, 
to carry but a small portion with them ; but their opposition tends greatly 
fo paralyze the zeal of Abolitionists not thoroughly imbued with genuine 
Anti-Slavery principles. 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE SECESSION. 

•• 'Tis Slander, 
Whose eilge is sharper than the svvonl ; whose tongue 
Out-veniiius all the worin^ of Nile: whose breatli 
Hides on the posting winds, and dofli b-lie 
All corners ot the world." 

SlIAKSPEAilE. 

While the experiment of this division was being tried in Massachusetts, 
this restless Committee had been actively engaged in setting macliinery in 
operation, preparatory to the Annual Meeting of the American Anti- 
Slavery Society, which was due in May, 1840; and at which time the 
Secedcrs withdrew, and constituted themselves the " American and 
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society." Previous to this time every pos- 
sible effort was made by the seceding party, (the friends of Messrs. 
Birney, Tappan, Stanton, and others) to press upon tlieir friends, in 
every part of the country, the importance of attending the anniversary 
of the American Society, to outvote the no-human-government and Wo- 
man's- Rights party, as they are pleased to term all those who refuse 
to adopt their new theories. The following extracts are from a circular, 
(and others of a similar character might be introduced, did space permit,) 
which was issued and sent over the country, broadcast, by the olHcers of 
the New Seceding Society in Massachusetts, and signed by tlie Chairman 
and Secretary : — 

"Devr Brother, — The Executive Committee of the Mass. Abolition Society 
have appointed you their deleg-ate to attend the approaching annual meeting- of 
the American Anti-Shivcry Society, to be held in the city of Now York, on 
Tuesday, the twelfth day of I\Iay next. In transmitting this ccrtirtcate of your 
appointment, we feel ourselves called upon, by all the love we have for the Slave, 
to urge you to let nothing short of an interposition of Providence prevent your 
being present on that occasion. We need not inform you of the efforts which 
have been made to engraft non-resistance ! ! and certain other extraneous matters, 
into the Abolition cause! ! * * * Brother, ?/o« must come up to the rescue. * * * 
We can prevent it, if our friends will turn out and be at their posts ; and we 
must do it, or suffer a defeat. * ♦ * Fail not, as you love the Slave, as you value 
correct principles, and as you feel your responsibility to God, the oppressed, your 
country, and the world ; and if error triumphs on that occasion, let not the guilt 
rest upon your soul because you were not present to vote it down. 

«J. BRACKETT, C/ia/moM. 
"J. W. Alden, Secretarij .'^ 



38 

The Old Massacliu-!sett3 Society made a similar effort to prevent the 
Association from falliiisj; into the hands of those who wished to compro- 
mise the cause, Ijy making it subservient to sectarian or party purposes. 

The day of the meeting arrived — and large numbers were in attendance. 
A second attempt was made, by a number of clergymen, to disfranchise 
a portion of tlie members of the Society on account of their sex. This 
also was defeated by a large majority; toomen of EACH PARTY voting 
upon the question. The minority then withdrew, and formed a rival 
Association, (" the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society,") as has 
already been stated. This New Association was headed by the same 
men who cheered on the Misses Grimke in 1837, and who at that time, 
and subsequently, so ably answered the objections brought against the 
Society, of being a No-Government and Woman's-Riglit Society, and 
who now, strange as it may appear, urge the very objections, the absurdity 
of lohich they had previously exposed. As might be expected, the divi- 
sion is exerting a most disastrous influence upon all our organizations. 
The success of the new Society will depend upon the destruction of the 
old ; for it is based upon the assumed principle that the old is injurious 
to the cause of the Slave. In proportion as the people are made to 
believe this, the new Society succeeds. 

It should be noted, that two or three months prior to the annual 
meeting of the American Society in May last, the Committee (of whom 
were Messrs. Tappan, Birney, Stanton, iSrc.) saw, by the general voice of 
disapprobation which was sent up from all quarters of the Free States, as 
respected the unfair, and disorganizing, and sectarian course they had 
pursued, that the Abolitionists of the country would set upon their con- 
duct, at that meeting, their seal of censure, by transferring the manage- 
ment of the Society into the hands of a new committee, which would not 
abuse their power for the furtherance of political or sectarian principles. 
Seeing all this, the Committee (like the general who preferred destroying 
the city to letting it fall into the hands of his enemies) resolved to cripple, 
and, if possible, to destroy, the original American Anti- Slavery Society. 
The Eiiicmcipator, its organ, was made the medium of proving to the Abo- 
litionists that there was no farther use for it. Mr Birney even thought 
"it" — fiot Slavery, but the Society, (which had paid him about 6000 
dollars, over and above his travelling expenses, for a little more than two 
years' services,) — unless it could be managed upon a different principle, 
ought to be dissolved. Again, tlie Committee, when they had about 14,000 
dollars' worth of Anti-Slavery publications, and other property, in their 
possession, allowed a draft of 150 dollars to be protested. The Report 
of this was taken up by the pro-Slavery press, and with great satisfaction 
the news was circulated, that the Anti-Slavery cause was dying away, for 
the American Society had failed for 150 dollars. 

Once more — the Committee (now the Committee of the American and 
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society) secretly, and without the least intimation 
to the American Abolitionists, transferred the Emancipator, the original 
Society's organ, into the hands of a small local hostile body, the committee 
of which was composed, in part, of the same men as the Committee of the 
American Anti-Slavery Society. The Society had paid a bonus of more 
than 20,000 dollars, over and above its receipts, to keep this paper in exist- 
ence; and so highly did they value it as their only medium of communica- 
tion with the American Abolitionists, that no inconsiderable sum could have 
purchased it from them. This act was done only four weeks before the So- 
ciety's annual meeting in May last, when the Committee's term of office 



39 

would oxpirp. When called to an account for thus depiiving tlie Society of 
its most valuable property — for cutting it off from all comniuiiication with 
the Abolitionists, at the time of its greatest need, and for transferring it into 
the hands of those who would use it ibr the destruction of the Society 
which brought it into existence, they alleged in excuse, that they could not 
meet the expense of publishing it, which, up to the time of the annual 
meeting, would have cost the very small sum of 300 dollars. At this very 
moment, the Committee held about 14,000 dollars' worth of the Society's 
property, as already described, in their hands; they were also ))aying 
monthly to Mr Birney the reduced salary of 1 S?-^- dollars; to Mr 
Leavif t 1 50 dollars ; and to Mr Stanton 80 dollars ; and for office and clerk's 
hire, about 200 dollars more ; making a monthly outlay of 57?^ dollars. 

It is therefore evident, that as 300 dollars was all that was required to 
continue the Emancijyator until the General Meeting, these j)arties could, 
by pledging the Society's property, reducing its expenses, or deferring the 
payment of their own salaries until after this period, have preserved to the 
American Anti- Slavery Society this paper, upon which so high a value 
was placed, in consequence of its great reputation and wide circulation 
among American Abolitionists. 

But the reasons assigned for this transfer will appear still more flims}', 
when the reader is informed, that this very Committee who made THIS 
TRANSFER, of whom Messrs. Birney and Stanton were themselves 
members, at the very time, voted to Mr Stanton 500 dollars, and Mr 
Birney 300 dollars, (in addition to 500 dollars previously given iiim, to 
defray their expenses in attending the General Anti-Slavery Convention 
in London,* and these sums were actually paid out of the treasury of the 
American Anti- Slavery Society. f Thus, after having de])rived the Society 
in America, of its property and means of defence, by the transfer of its 
organ into the hands of those who were intent on the ruin of the Anti- 
Slavery Society, under the paltry plea of not having funds to carry it on ; 
they voted to themselves a large sum of money, to defray their expense to 
this country, and as a climax to this train of foul play, they not only 
misrepresent the Society at the Convention at whose expense they came, 
but travelled through the length and breadth of the kingdom, retailing 
calumnies against the Society which delegated them. 

These statements have been made, not to excite any personal ill feel- 
ings in the breast of any one, against the members of this Committee who 
have thus betrayed a trust, unreservedly, and in good faith, committed to 
their guardianship ; but to exhibit the workings of the pro-Slavery spirit 
upon their minrls, by which they have been influenced to betray the Anti- 
Slavery cause into the hands of its enemies. The warfare which they 
have waged against the American Anti-Slavery Society has been as much 
more destructive, than that of avowed enemies, as is the treachery of a 
commandment of a besieged fortress, more disastrous than the assaults of 
an external foe. 

And here, we would gladly conclude this painful subject, and leave to 
the discriminating and honourable reader to draw his own conclusions, as 
to whether a Society, thus acting, ought to be supported in place of the 
long-tried and uncompromising American Anti-Slavery Society. We 
are, however, compelled to refer to the mean course adopted by some of 
the members of the New Society of transmitting to this eonntry the most 
base and false charges against members of the Old Society, and against 

• See Aijpendix 1. f See Appendix K. 



40 

the Society itself,* and which we regret to say are industriously circulated 
through the country, by the London Committee of the British and 
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society ; charges which, for scurrility and abuse, 
have seldom been equalled, as will be seen by a reference to the Appendix.f 
We cannot account for this suicidal act on the part of the London 
Committee, when we look at the number of honourable names which 
compose it, but by supposing such to have been the act of a small num- 
ber of that body. We are unwilling to believe that the great men whose 
names adorn their list, who have spent their lives in advancing the cause 
of the oppressed and the enslaved, would stoop from their high moral and 
religious station in society, to become tiie medium of the foulest personal 
slander. We would appeal to them to avert this march of folly and 
injustice on the part of their brother committee-men. 

It must be evident to every unbiased philanthropist, that however much 
he may deplore the differences on tliis subject that may have arisen on 
the other side the Atlantic, the clear course for the London Committee to 
have pursued, was, either to have given the Abolitionists of this country, 
impartially, both sides of the controvers}', or else to have sided with neither 
party, but to have made use of both Societies, wherever and whenever 
the}' could, to have severally forwarded the great and noble object which 
we should all have in view. 

Had this been the course pursued by the London Committee, English- 
men would never have been troubled with the details of this painful case, 
but, as they have chosen to take the side of the New and small Society, 
against tiie Old and more numerous and long-tried Society, the latter 
had no other course than to lay its case before the British public ; not so 
much to defend themselves against misrepresentations, because their faith 
is unshaken in the principle that truth will eventually triumph, but that the 
great cause for the advancement of which they are willing to lay down 
their property, their reputation, and their lives, should not be injured. 

• See Appendix L. t See Appendix M. 



APPENDIX. 



A.— Sec p. 9. 

WM. LLOYD GARRISON, 

The following- oluiinL-nt passa^g-os arc cxtracltvl from (lio first nuiubrr of 
3Ir Gftrrisoiis ucwsi)aper, the Libcraior, priatcci in 18 31, to give; the reader 
a specimen of the bold and imcorajiromising- spirit of the man Avho, ten ycarf? 
since, stood forth as the Slave's advocate, pennyless, alone, ridicided and con- 
demned, and wlio, by his ability and faithfulness, has been, through the divine 
favour, ])ermittcd to be instrumental in bring-ing- the tiufulness of Slavery before 
the American people : — 

'• I shall lint array myself as tlio political partiznn of any man. In dcfendiiiiLr tlic 
,'ireat canse ot'liumun ri^dits, I wisli to derive the assistance of all relii^ioas and of all ^ 
jiarties. 1 .shall strenuously coutend for the innnediate enfranchisement of our Slave 
population. I am in earne'«t — I v.-ill not equivocate — I will not excuse — 1 will not re- 
treat a single inch— axd I will lii; heard. The apathy of the people is cnoujri, to 
make every statue leaj) from its pedestal, and to hasten the resurrection of the dead." 

R is painful in llie extreme, tliat, in the Anti-Slavery cause, composed of men 
of all sects and all parties, there shoidd be a necessity for vindicating- the religious 
views or clira-acter of any faithful and uncompromising- Abolitionist ; but so un- 
sjiaring-ly have the London Commiltcc of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery 
Society privately circulated letters to the leading- friends of the Negro throng-hont 
the kingdom, written by the seceders in America, intended and adajjted to create 
a strong- ])rejadice against I.Ir Garrison, as holding and zealously propagating- 
the most dangerous intidcl sentiments, that it is but justice to the Anti-Slavery 
cjinso, vith which he is intimately connected, that Britisli minds shoidd be dis- 
abused with respect to these wholesale calumnies. The pretended objections of 
1 he Seceders as respects " Woman s lUij/its,'" " Non-Iiesistanci','" &c., have failed 
to alienate the great body of Abolitionists from tlie American Anti-Slavery So- 
ciety — They have now adopted this new expedient of charging Mr Garrison -with 
holding infidel sentiments, and tlicn to identify these views with the principles 
of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Had the London Committee given 
publicity to these and other calumnies, in their organ, the JRcporter, where the}'- 
could have been met and refuted, instead of privatel}^ circulating them around 
by letters, it certainly would have appeared, in them, less mean, cowardly, and 
criminal. But time shall not be consumed upon this Committee. Their pro- 
ceedings in this affair — their correspondence with the representative of tlui 
American Anti-Slavery Society— and their attempt to blast his reputation — all 
speak for themselves, in language plain and comprehensive. Wc shall be satis- 
lied with the verdict of every unbiassed individual who -^vill give this part of the 
subject a thoroncih invcslifjation. -^ 

What if Mr Garrison is a Unitarian or an Lifidcl ? — and he is neither. Is it ' 
the design of the Emancipation enterprise to favour one creed and condenni | 
another? If an Anti-Slavery Society may take cognizance of one faith, may it | 
not of another? The only (question that can be ])roperly asked by men as Eman- I 
cipationists, — Is he a faithful and uncompromising Abolitionist ? An assent to ! 
the Anti-Slavery ])rinciple is the only bond of union, and is the only test of mem- ! 
bership ; and that man, or body of men, who would insist upon an Anti-Slavery i 
Society giving any oidnion upon any of the diiierent religions or political ques- 
tions which distract and alienate maidiind, is chargeable with throwing a firebrand 
into the Abolition enterprise, and is guilty of innovation. Wha* can be the ob- 

1-' 



42 

ject of professed Abolitionists thus to assassinate the Anti-Slavery reputation and 
influence of the Slave's first, ablest, and most devoted advocate, even if he were 
worse than his calumniators represent him? How is it that the Scccders, the 
Southern oppressors, and the London Committee and their friends in this country, 
are unitedly seeking to accomplish his downfall ? Would a drowning- man refuse 
the hand of a heretic stretched forth to save him? Would the millions of 
bondmen, stripped of their rights by professed Christians, refuse their freedom, 
because their chains were riven by men of faith, to them, unsound ? 

We could answer the charges brought against Mr Garrison by counter asser- 
tions, as tliere has not been the least attempt, on the part of any one of his enemies, 
to prove him to be an infidel. If we may be allowed to have any knowledge of 
the Christian graces, we should say that INIr Garrison possesses them in a very 
high degree. We have had the honour of an intimate acquaintance, and of 
labouring with him In the cause of the enslaved Negro, and have seen him in 
times of great trial and affliction, and have invariably found him crucified to the 
v/orld, and the world to him. If we have ever met with a man who, by his life 
and conversation, appeared to rely on the divine promises, — whose life, being one 
of faith, was hid with Christ in God, — and who made it the entire aim and object 
of his life to elevate and redeem his fellow-creatures, and thus to glorify his 
Creator, that man is Wm, Lloyd Garrison. Did space permit, we might adduce 
the testimony of multitudes, entitled by their Christian life, to the highest confi- 
dence, giving the strongest proofs of his Christian character ; but the evidence of 
one or two must suffice, as we prefer to let Mr Garrison speak for himself. He 
has been connected with the press as an editor for fourteen years, and it would 
seem that, during that time, opposed, persecuted, and calumniated as he has been 
by American Christians, he would have occasionally expressed an infidel sentiment 
had he entertained such principles. His accusers, however, have not been able 

to cull out a single sentence of the kind to sustain their charges We have before 

us but a very few papers and pamphlets, containing the writings of INIr Garrison ; 
but there is hardly an article from his pen but what contains some religious 
sentiment, which would satisfy the reader, we think, that his infidelity is very 
evangelical. 

The following is from the pen o{ Angelina E. Grhnke, in 1837, then a member 
of the Society of Friends, in answer to an attack made upon the religious views 
of Mr Garrison, by Miss Beecher, a pro-Slavery woman of great notoriety : — 

" I feel sorry that thy imkind insinuations against the Christian character of 
William Lloyd Garrison, have rendered it necessary for me to speak of him 
individually, because what I shall feel bound to say of him, may, to some li/ie 
thyself, appear like flattery ; but I must do what justice seems so clearly to call 
for at my hands. Thou sayest that ' though he professes a belief in the Christ- 
ian religion, he is an avowed opponent of most of its institutions.' I presume 
thou art here alluding to his views of the ordinances of baptism and the Lord's 
Supper, and the Sabbath. Permit me to remind thee, that in all tliese opinions, 
he coincides entirely with the Society of Friends, whose views of the Sabbath 
never were- so ably vindicated as by his pen : and the insinuations of hypocrisy 
which thou hast thrown out against him, may with just as much truth be cast 
upon them. The Quakers think that these are not Christian institutions ; but 
thou hast assumed it without any proof at all. 

" In his character as a man and a Christian, I have the highest confidence. 
The assertion thou makest, ' that there is not to be found in that paper, or any 
thing else, any evidence of his possessing the peculiar traits of Wilberforce, 
(benignity, gentleness, and kind heartcdness, I suppose thou meanest,) not even 
his warmest admirers will maintain,' is altogether new to me ; and I, for one, 
feel ready to declare, that I have never met in any one a more lovely exhibition 
of these traits of character. I might relate several anecdotes in jjroofof this 
assertion ; but let one suffice. A friend of mine, a member of the Society of 
Friends, told me that after he became interested in t'le A nti- Slavery cause, 
through the Liberator, he still felt so much i)i-ejudice against its editor, that, 
although he wished to labour in behalf of the skives, he still felt as if lie couhl 
not identify himself with a society which recognized sucli a leader, as he had 
heard William Lloyd Garrison was. He had never seen him ; and after many 



43 

strupfgles of feeling, determined to go to Boston on purpose to see * this man,' 
and judge of his cliaracter for himself, lie did so; and when he entered the 
office of ilie Liberator, soon fall into conversation with a person he did not know, 
and became very much interested in him. After some time, a third ])crson 
came in, and called off the attention of the stranger, whose benevolent counte- 
nance and bcnigiiant manners he had so much admired. He soon heard him 
addressed as Mr Garrison, Avhich astonished him very much ; for he had expect- 
ed to see some coarse, uncouth, and rugged creature, instead of the perfect 
gentleman, he now learned, was William L. Garrison. He told me that the 
effect upon his mind was so great, that he sat down and wept, to think he had 
allowed himself to be so prejudiced against a person, who was so entirely 
different from what his enemies had represented him to be. He at once felt 
as if he could most cheerfully labour, heart and hand, with such a man, and has 
for the last three or four years been a faithful co-worker with him, in the holy 
cause of Immediate Emancipation : and his confidence in him, as a man of pure, 
Christian principles, has grown stronger and stronger, as time has advanced, and 
circumstances have developed his true character." 

Sentiments, similar to the following extracts from Mr Garrison's " Thoughts 
on Colonization," have been frcijucntly expressed in his writings, since its pub- 
lication : — 

" I appeal to those who have been redeemed from the bondage of sin by tho 
precious blood of Christ, and with whom I hope to unite in a better world, in 
ascribing glory, and honour, and jjraise to the Great Deliverer for ever." 

" If people would 7;m l/ieir faith upon the BIBLE, and not upon the sleeves 
of their neighbours, half of the heresies in the world would instantly disappear." 

The following, from the pen of Mr Garrison in 1839, in answer to the charge 
made against the Non-Resistance Society, — of being an infidel association, — is 
inserted as a specimen of his infidelity, together with the Non-Resistance extract, 
also from his pen: — 

** The allegation, that the sentiments of this Society are in accordance with 
those of infidels, or at least that they tend to infidelity, is manifestly as foolish as 
it is malicious. For infidels to (jhry in the cross of Christ — to inculcate the duty 
of walking in his footsteps — to insist on the forgiveness of enemies as the con- 
dition of salvation — is certainly a novel occurrence. For them to give utterance 
to the following language, extracted from the Non-Resistance Declaration of 
Sentiments, is also very remarkable : — 

" So they treated the Messiah, M'liose example we are humbly striving to imi- 
tate. If we suffer with him, we know that we shall reign with him. VVe sliall 
not be afraid of their terror, neither be troubled. Our confidence is in the Lord 
Almighty, not in man. Having withdrawn from human protection, Avhat can 
sustain us but tliat faith which overcomes the world ? We shall not think it 
strange concerning the fiery trial which is to try us, as though some strange thing 
had haj)pened unto us, but rejoice inasmuch as we are partakers of Christ's 
sufferings. Wherefore we commit the keeping of our souls to God, in well 
doing, as unto a faithful Creator." 

The following extract is from the closing sentence of a letter to Gerrit Smith, 
Esq., on the subject of Peace, in 1840 : — 

" I feel much solicitude on your account, lest, in your present temper of mind 
on the subject of politics, you should quench the SPIRIT OF GOD, which is 
manifestly strivin(j with you, and close your eyes to the heavenhj light which has 
burst upon you, and once more ally yourself to the kingdoms of this world, which 
are all to be destroyed by the brightness of tlie coming of Christ. Let there be 
no delay in making up your mind. If the Lord be God, serve him ; if Baal, 
serve him. INIy prayer is for your perfect salvation. 
" Your faithful friend, 

" WM. LLOYD GARRISON." 

The following is the first sentence in the Report of the Board of Managers of 
the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, and Mritten by Mr Garrison in 1839:— 



41 

" The Lord reigns! If it were not so, the friends of humanity might despair. 
The Lord is omnipotent ! But fur this, tyrants might exercise perjjetual dominion. 
The Lord is sworn to execute judgment for all who are oppressed! Therefore, 
all shackles shall be broken, and every captive set free, in this, in all lands." 

We beg the reader to peruse attentively the following interesting, thougli 
somewhat lengthy article, written by Mr Garrison, in December, 1810, at the 
close of the tenth volume of the Liberator : — 

" Until a comparatively recent period, our accusers were the despisers and per- 
secutors of the coloured race — southern Slave-holders and their northern allies ; 
but now, our most bitter revilers are those who profess to be Abolitionists, and 
who are indebted to our humble exertions, under God, for what they see, feci, 
and know on the subject of Slavery. They have requited us by lifting their 
heels against us, and by resorting to every means in their poAver, however un- 
lawful and -wicked, to destroy our Anti-Slavery influence, and crush the Liberator. 
And wdiy is this ? Because tliey happen not to like our views on some other 
subjects! Their personal ^nynitrj is so strong, as to induce tliem to PRO PA- 
GATE THE MOST ATROCIOUS FALSEHOOD, and deal in the 
BLACKEST CALUMNY, to effect OUR DOWNFALL. But we have not 
yet fallen; and, re/y/Hr/ upon THE SAME GOOD BEING who has hitherto 
been our stay and staff— and upon THE SAME GRACIOUS REDEEMER 
>vho has cheered and animated usjjy His smiles in the darkest hours of affliction 
—and upon THE SAME DIVINE COMFORTER who has filled our heart 
with a jitace -which the icorlrl can neither give nor take away — -we still expect, 
having" done all, TO STAND. In the deliverance of our coloured countrymen 
from their frightful bondage, and their elevation to all the rights and privileges 
of our common humanity, we feel an ever-growing interest. We espoused their 
cause when few were willing to support it ; and it would be strange indeed if, in 
ihc days of its slrength and glory, we should notr abandoii it. Whatever evil 
and designing men, under the guise of Aboliiionisiii, rnay say to alienate their 
Affections' from us, theymay rest assured that we will. be faithful to them //; life 
and in death, and do what in us lies to cause libeitij to bo proclaimed throughout 
aU the \i\Tid uuio all the inhabiiafits thereof. 

'f All other means having failed to i^estkov- (lie I^iI/( ruior; the latest DE- 
VICE OF SATANi transformed :into ' an <^ngel, of light,' to cilcct this pur- 
pose, is to represent it as an' INFIDEL publication, and OURSELVES AS 
HOLDING INFIDEL SENTIMENTS! Having .not been dismayed by the 
cry of 'madman! fanatic! incendiary!' at the commencement of our Anti-S!a- 
."Very career, we shall not allow our ])eace to be disturbed by the cry of '' inlidel !' 
,OUR INFIDELITY CONSISTS IN THIS: wc do 'not happen to agree 
-\vitli the majority, in regard to certidn outward forms and observances ;— ^we have 
refused to connect ourselves with any religious sect, and to adopt a human creed 
as the standard of our faith ;- — we do not believe that the clergy are impeccable ; 
nay, -we have dared to affirm that, as a body, they love the fleece better than 
.they do their flocks, as their treatment of every rigliteous but unpopular reform 
])lainly indicates ; — we do not believe that men can have the spirit of Christ, 
-who hold their fellpv-creatures in bondage; — we do not believe it, js riglit or 
consistent for' Abolitionists to support a pro-Slavery priesthood, or recogm'ze a 
j)ro-Slavery church as a religious body; — -we do not believe that it is right for 
Christ;iaus to iAi{irison, hang, 'or. butcher their enemies; — we do not believe that 
•governments of human contrivance, upheld by military power, and administered 
'by wicked rulers, arc divine; — -we do not believe in the necessity of sinning 
^against God, or being always more or less in bondage to the Devil; — -we do not 
believe that Christ is imable to save his people from tlicir sins in the present life, 
■or that the -w'orld may not be overcome, through faith, by those who dwell in 
it; — we do not believe in holiness of time, but in holiness of iieart ;— avc do 
not believe in a worldly sanctuary and ordinances of divine service, but in the 
true tabernacle -which the Lord pitched, and not man, and in spiritual worship 
and communion, without the intervention of any types or figures ; — and, finally, 
-we. do not believe in making religion a thing of circumstance, time, or place — 
something distinct from the cvcry-day pursuits and avocations of life — but ear- 



45 

iiostly maintain with liiin wlio was ranked among- tlio oiVsr-ouring' of all tliing-s, 
that, WHETHER WE EAT (JR DRINK, OR WHATSOEVER WE 
DO, WE SHOULD DO AEL TO THE GLORY OF GOD, This is 
the liead and front of our infidelity. How far it is dishonouring- to God, or 
hostile to the temporal or eternal interests of men, wo leave the reader to decide 
aeeording- to the light that is in him. 

'• We have been connected with the pul)lic press more than fourteen years ; 
and, during- that time, we have written no small amount, on a great variety of 
topics. Wo have prepared various pamphlets in an official and unofficial shape, 
which have been published to the worhl. We have delivered ■many public, 
addresses, and particiualed in the proceedings of many public meetings. Now, 
why do not our accusers QUOTE CHAPTER AND VERSE from our 
writings to SK.s-#r/?'/i their charge against us of inflrlelit!/ ? Simply BECAUSE 
THEY CANNOT— because they know that they are ACTUATED BY A 
MALEVOLENT SPIRIT, and that t/ie truth is not in them. They stand self- 
convicted as revilers and false witnesses ; for while, in one breath, tiiey would 
f;iin make the people believe that we do not acknowledge a divine reoelation of 
the ivill of God, they, in the next, (as it may happen to suit their evil purpose,) 
denounce us as holding up perfection as the standard of christian discipleship ! 
We are urilling that tJie files of the Liberator should be critically examined, in 
nujfird to our religious opinions ; for though, in this ag-e of hollow profession 
and Pharisaical cant, we have been indisposed to make any parade of them 
before the public eye, Cbecause we wisli our works, rather than our words, to 
testify of wf,) vcMve are confident, that, IN OUR \N\llTl'SiG^, n-ill be found 
THE UTMOST REVERENCE FOR GOD, for HIS LAW, for THE 
SCRIPTURES OF TRUTH, and the highest appreciation of lUS SON as 
the Redeemer of the world. \Yq are compelled to make these statements, — 
though they have no special connexion with our Anti-Slavery character, — in 
consequence of the manner In which we have been traduced for the purpose of 
hindering our usefulness in the cause of our dov^n-troddcu countrymen iu 
particular, and of mankind iu general." 

The following are extracts of letters from the Rev. Nathaniel Colvcr, of Bos- 
ton, to Joseph Sturgc, of Birmingham, and which have been, by the London Com- 
mittee, ])rivately sent to prominent Abolitionists in this country. With regard 
to tliat portion of the letter relating to oui-selves personally, as having "left" 
America "under suspicious circumstances," &c., we have only to say, that, on the 
10th of December, 1840, six days previous to their arrival, we submitted to 
ihe London Committee our credentials from the American and Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery Societies, recommending us, in very strong terms, to the sym- 
jiathy and confidence of the Abolitionists of Britain. Thus it will be seen that 
liiey were secretly circulating- what they must have been aware was false, — for 
wli-it purpose we will leave the enlightened reader to judge for himself. Not 
one of that Committee had the candour or magnanimity to acquaint us with the 
existence of such letters — and it %vas merely by accident that we learned of their 
circulation. We beg the reader to peruse with attention Mr Garrison's brief 
review of Mr Colvcr's extracts, given below. 

(From the Liberator of January 29th, 1841, edited by Wm. Lloyd Garrison.) 

REV. NATHANIEL COLVER. 

The following extracts of letters from this individual to certain influential 
Abolitionists in London, have bi'en comnumlcated to me in aletter from a highly 
respectal)le member of the Society of Frientls in England, received by the 
Columbia : — 

" Boston, N'ov. 30th, 1840. 

" Garrison has just headed an infidel Convention, gathered from different 
States, to call iu question the validity of the Sabbath, the church and the minis- 
try. It was quite a gathering, and I went in, with two or three otlier ministers, 
and discussed it with them for tii'-ce davs 



46 

" Boston, Dec. \st, 1840. 

" Wm. L. Garrison's influence is on the wane. He so identifies liimself wiili 
every infidtl fanaticism which tloats, as to have lost his hold on the g-ood. He 
has recently headed a Convenlion to inveigh ag-ainst the Sabbatli, the church and 
the ministry. It was afi'ecting (!) to see what a company lie had identified him- 
self with — the wildest of the no-marriage Perfectionists, (! !; Transcendentalists, 
and Cape Cod — all in harmonious effort against the Bible as our standard of 
faith, and especially in denouncing the ministry, &c. I think the Anti- Slavery 
cause will ultimately shake itself from that which has been a source of great 
trouble. 

" J. A. Collins has, a few weeks since, left for England, under suspicions cir- 
cumstances (.' /) — What are his objects, we know not ; but we fear to practise 
some imposition upon British sympatliy for our cause. / Jiope you will beware 
of him — HE Ts NOT ENTITLED TO Youii CONFIDENCE. Friouds here feel deeply 
on the subject. Will you, if possible, ascertain Vi'liat are his objects, and give us 
early notice ?" 

It is difficult to conceive of anything more unjust, malignant, and wicked than 
this attack, made (as it has been^ assassin-like in the dark, though providentially 
brought to the light. Atrocious as it is, it docs not excite any special surprise 
in my breast ; for my acquaintance with the autlior, for the last two or three 
years, has fully satisfied me that he is a wolf in sheep's clothing — a bitter enemy 
of holiness — a practical unbeliever in the gospel — a stranger to tlie Spirit of 
Christ — and unworthy of confidence or respect. This opinion he knows I have 
long entertained of him as a man, and as a professed teacher of religion ; for, 
having frequently brought him to the test of eternal truth, and clearly perceived 
the temper of his mind, I have felt it my duty to tell him, frankly and faithfully, 
Vi'liat is my estimate of his character. INIy fidelity to him has greatly enrageil 
him ; and as there is no malignity like that of a corrupt priest when ho finds tliat 
his mask of profession fails to conceal his moral deformity, it is perfectly natural 
that he should endeavour to revenge himself as oj)portunity may offer. My 
friends in England may rest assui-ed that this pretended zeal of Nathaniel 
CoEVEK, for the institutions of religion, and this slanderous assault upon my 
religious views, proceed I'rom personal animosity toward myself; nor would 
they be led astray by any false statements he might be disposed to make, if they 
knew him as well as he is known at home by those who are able to discriminate 
between ihcform of godliness and the power of it. How many more of such 
letters he may have written to England, I am yet ignorant. I know that his 
personal ill-will never slumbers, and that, in his private intercourse with indi- 
viduals, especially with females, (for whom he entertains the most profound con- 
tempt as ecpial beings, especially on the Auti-Slavery platform,) he is constantly 
making his assaults, in various forms, upon my Christian character. These 
things I mention, not because they give me any uneasiness, but to disclose to my 
transatlantic friends the aniinus which actuates him in writing as he has done re- 
specting the late Sabbath Convention, and my connexion with it. 

Such is the pressure of my engagements the present week, that I can make 
only a very few hasty comments upon the extracts quoted above ; but, before I 
do so, I must appeal to the good sense and Christian magnanimity of English 
Abolitionists in relation to this insidious attack. Suppose the representations 
contained in Mr Colver's letters were all true, (and they are all false,) am I, is 
any man, to be arraigned as a heretic before an Anti-Slavery tribunal ? If I am 
a faithful, uncompromising Abolitionist, what more does it concern Abolitionists, 
eitlier on this or on the other side of the Atlantic, to know ? Is it anything- 
better than impertinence for any of them to meddle with my religious or political 
opinions? In what part of the Anti- Slavery bond is it stipulated, that there 
must be a uniformity of faith among Abolitionists, not only on the subject of 
Emancipation, but also in relation to " the Sabbath, the church, and the ministry ?'* 
Is it not the strength and glory of the Anti-Slavery enterprise, that it appeals 
so directly to all the sympathies of the human breast, and enforces its claims so 
strongly above all sectarian, party, and geographical considerations, that Jew 
and Gentile, Russian and Turk, Protestant and Catholic, Mahometan anJ 



47 

Pag-an. Whig and Torj', Chartist and Radical, may all harnnoniously co-oporate 
together for its extinction ? Who and what are the Abolitionists of England 
but members of every sect and party in the land, differing heaven-wide in their 
peculiar religions and political sentiments, yet nobly forgetting those differ- 
ences in their sympathy for the suff'cring and the dumb, and their zeal and devo- 
tion to the outraged cause of bleeding humanity ? Do they not present a lovely 
and thrilling spectacle, thus united in the great work of human redemption from 
chains and slavery ? And what must be the humanity, the religion, the heart 
of that man, who would drive them asunder by appeals to sectarian and party 
prejudices, and cause every Abolitionist, Ishmael-like, to raise his hand against 
his brother? Can he be actuated by a sincere desire to glorify God, and to have 
peace and good will abound among men ? No. Can he be a disinterested, 
true-hearted Abolitionist ? No, Docs the Slave-speculator or tyrant-master 
desire anything so much as the annihilation of the Anti-Slavery organizations, 
as such ? No. 

I repeat it, therefore — whatever I may tldnk of "the Sabbath, the church, and 
the ministry," it is not a matter that concerns Abolitionists, and does not come 
within the "appropriate sphere" of their approval or condemnation. Whoever 
will undertake to show that I am not an Abolitionist, will speak to a point that 
is pertinent, and not travel out of the record. 

Now, what was the design of Nathaniel Coi.veu, in writing his defamatory 
letters to England ? Was it to preserve the Anti-Slavery bond of unity in the 
spirit of peace, or to dash it in pieces with the hammer of priestly malice and 
sectarian hate? To whom were they addressed? One of them, (if lam not 
misinformed,) was sent to a member of the London Anti-Slavery Committee 
— porliaps both — but this is not material. They were written to leading, in- 
fluential Abolitionists. For what purpose? Obviously, undeniably, expressly 
to ruin nv/ character among the Abolitionists of England, and to blast what 
little reputation I may have won among them for my ten years' unwearied labours 
to break the yokes and fetters of my enslaved countrymen ! These stabs, more- 
over, — lot it not be forgotten, — were intended to be given in the dark ; but the 
hand that was raised to give them has been providentially discovered, and he 
to whom that hand belongs now stands forth to the public gaze with the brand 
of moral turpitude imprinted upon his brow. 

If the Anti-Slavery brethren to whom Nathaniel Colver sent his letters 
should happen to see this reply, I appeal to tlicm, by every candid and Christian 
consideration, to saj', whetlier they ought not to spurn this attempt to destroy 
the usefulness of a fellow-labourer in the Anti-Slavery field. It gives me no 
mortification or uneasiness to hear that, in consequence of the innumerable slan- 
ders that have been busily circulated by the lying spirit of "new organization," 
my reputation and popularity are at a low ebb in England — any further than that 
1 lament that good and excellent men should be so easily imposed upon, to the 
injury of that cause which is so dear to our hearts in common. Advantage is 
taken of their remote situation, as well as of their pious sensibilities, to excite 
their abliorrence of sentiments wliich they do not understand, because they have 
not been fairly presented to them, and of principles which lie at the foundation 
of " the glorious gospel of the blessed God." 

I now ttuMi to the extracts. And, 

1. " Garrison has just headed an injldtl convention.'''' 

Every word, every syllable In tliis sentence is untrue. No such convontlcn 
has been held. I am as strongly opposed to "infidelity," fas that term is com- 
monly understood,) as T am to priestcraft and Slavery. My religious sentiments, 
(excepting as they relate to certain outward forms and observances, and respect- 
ing these I entertain the views of " Friends,") are as rigid and uncompromising 
as those pronndgated by Christ him.-elf. The standard which He has erected is 
one that I reverence and advocate. In a true estimate of the divine a'.ithority of 
the scriptures, no one can go beyond me. They are my text-bo(,k. and worth all 
other books In the universe. INly trust Is In God, my aim to walk in the foot- 
steps of his Son, my rejoicing to be crucified to the world, and the world to 
me. So much for the charge of " Infidelity." 

In November last, a convention was held In Boston, in CGnECcrcrnce of tlio 



48 

great and hurtful diversity of opinion whlcli prevails in Christendom amon^ 
the various sects on these subjects, to ascertain, if possible, what is the true 
Sabbath, true ministry, and the true church, as, (in llie lang-uage of the call,) 
" they exist in the tniiid of God." Is such a convention an evidence of a dis- 
position to aid intidelity, or to promote Christian union? I had just as much to 
do with it as Nathaniel Colveh himself^r/«f/ no more. iNIy name w;is not 
appended to the call. I attended the meeting in common with many others — 
so did he. I participated in the discussions — so did he. At first, I was appre- 
hensive that the call was somewhat premature ; but the result of the Convention 
led me to s-ive thanks to God, and g-reatly to rejoice in spirit, because I believed 
that " the truth as it is in Jesus" was signally promoted by it : and if Nathaniel 
CoLVER felt that his side of the question was strengthened and truth benefitted 
by the discussion, instead of raising such a clamour about the convention, and 
lUtering such abominable falsehoods about it, he, too, would rest satisfied in spirit, 
and feel rejoiced that so good an opportunity had been presented to preach tiio 
gospel of Christ. Not an infidel spoke in the meeting, the solemnity of wliich 
would scarcely have been at all interrupted, if it had not been for the violent and 
abusive language and the unchristian demoa;;our of the Rev. Nathaniel Colver 
and the Rev. E. T. Taylor, — as oil hnoio who were present at the meeting. K\\ 
who spoke in opposition to the views of Mr Colver insisted upon the duty of an 
entire consecration to the service of God — of doing all things, at all times, to liis 

service of making- all days holy, in spirit and in truth — of being obedient to all 

the requirements of Christianity. As for myself, I declare, once for all, tliat I 
am as '''orthodox" in relation to the Sabbath as were INIartin Luther and John 
Calvin as " heterodox" as were Priestly and Thomas Belsham — and as " fan- 
atical" as were Robert Barclay and George Fox. 

2. " Wm. L. Garrison's influence is on the wane." — This cannot be true — 
else this restless accuser and the great mass of a corrupt priesthood would not 
be seeking to move heaven and earth for my downfall, ]\Iy influence in the 
world will be in exact proportion to my fidelity to God and his cause ; and it will 
not be in the power of men or devils to destroy it. 

3. ♦' He identifies himself Avith every infidel fanaticism which floats." — The 
charge is craftily indefinite, and means anything or nothing, just as men may be 
disposed to construe it. INIy "fanaticism" is, to make Christianity the enemy 
of all that is sinful ; and my "infidelity" is to preach " Christ and him crucified." 

4. " It was atfecting to see what a company he had identified himself with!!" 

If he means by the " company," those at the Convention who agreed with 

me in sentiment, then I have only to say that I believe they may safely be com- 
pared with their opponents on the score of "gentleness, goodness, and truth," and 
of their interest in the universal trium})h of righteousness. There were some 
in the Convention whose " company" I should not desire to keep, as a matter of 
choice; but these I will not specify. 

5. " The wildest of the no-marriage Perfectionists." — What this means, or to 
■whom it applies, I do not know ; and nntil this false accuser makes good this 
assertion, it is unworthy of further notice. 

6. " Transcendentaiists and Cape Cod." — What, pray, is the unpardonable 
sin of Cape Cod ? As for the Transcendentaiists, tliey may be right or wrong 
in their distinctive peculiarities ; but wliy tliis sneer against them, because they 
choose to give their views on the question before the meeting ? 

7. " All in harmonious effort against the Bible." — There is no excuse for a 
wholesale falsehood like this : it does not wear even the semblance of truth. At 
the opening of the Convention, and on various occasions during the discussion, I 
expressly declared that I stood upon the Bible, and the Bible alone, in regard to 
ray views of " the Sabbath, the church, and the ministry" — and that I felt if I 
could not stand triumphantly on tliat foundation, I could stand nowhere in the 
universe. ]\Iy arguments were all drawn from the Bible, and from no other 
source. This Mr Colver knew, and yet he represents me in England as re- 
jecting the Bible ! ! 

8. " Especially, in denouncing the ministry," &c Now, the fact is, I did not 

even allude to the ministry — for that question was not under consideration, anCl 
I was extremely desivgus that the sneakers should heqi to the point. It wa* 



49 

only a llniP-serving, liii-eliug-, tluinb dog iiaui.-.iry iliat were reproved by those 
who spoke on the subjoet— ft^iri this Mr Colvcr knutcs ! 

The attack upon our faithful coadjutor, John A. Collins, is, in the worst 
sense, grossly libellous ; but, as he is a non-resistant, Mr Colver knows that he 
can slander "him with impunity. To say that he left for England " under sus- 
picious circumstances," is basely untrue ; for he went out under the auspices of 
the American and Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Societies, having credentials 
from the Managers of both Societies, and with a two-fold object in view— for 
the restoration of his health, and to obtain aid and sympathy for our enter- 
prise. The assertion, that he is not entitled to British confidence, is equally 
profligate with the other charges of Mr Colver. He has taken with him the 
very highest recommendations, and, it is hoped, will meet with a kind and hon- 
ourable reception at the hands of English Abolitionists. Here is further tes- 
timony See Rcsolutio7is of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, ^t., of 

JuniKiry '25<//, 18-il, on pages G3 and G4. 



REV. AMOS A. PHELPS AND WM. LLOYD GARRISON. 

" From revelations which are daily being made by the * New Organization * 
party," says the Glasgoiv Argus, of April 8, 1841, "it appears too evident that 
its design is to destroy the Anti-Slavery influence, not only in America, but in 
this country also, of that bold and uncompromising apostle of American Aboli- 
tion, William Lloyd Garrison. To cft'ect this purpose, the Rev. A. A. Phelps, 
a loader among the Seceders, has grouped together the extracts from the speeches 
of a few individuals, — which must be deprecated by every friend of Christianity, — 
delivered at a Convention recently held in Boston, to discuss the Sabbath ques- 
tion ; and then, by some magic turn, leaves the reader to infer that these are the 
views of Mr Garrison. This article was published in the New England Chris- 
tian Advocate, and has been sent to the leading- Abolitionists of Great Britain, 
and it has, we are informed, greatly injured Mr Garrison and the Society willi 
which he is connected. We, therefore, deem it an act of justice to the cause 
A\ ith which INIr Garrison is so intimately connected, to give place to his rejoinder 
in our columns," &c. We regret our inability to insert this article of Mr Piiclps', 
on account of its extreme length. A perusal of it to a liberal and enlightened 
reader, would supercede the necessity of comments from us. Besides, we i)re(er 
to let the reader hear both sides of a question, that he may form an opinion 
intelligently. 

The obvious design of Rlr Phelps, evidently, was to prove that those wlm joined 
the Convention were infidels ; and then, with a poet's license, sweeps his arms 
across the Atlantic, and groups me with the '* infidel " speakers of the Con- 
vention. Words are put into my mouth wliich never escaped my lips. Mr 
Phelps makes me to say, that the only qualification necessary to become a member 
of a Christian Church, is " Garrison Abolition." I do not consider it necessary, 
in this connexion, to burden the Anti-Slavery reader with a detail of my religious 
opinions. I hold Christian doctrine to be of great importance, but Christian 
practice to be equally important. I do not consider the Anti- Slavery cause 
competent to approve or condemn my religious tenets ; but when the religious 
body with which I am connected feels disposed to summon me before its tribunal 
for heresy, 1 shall be most happy to give it all the information respecting my 
faith, which it may have a right to demand. 

The following rejoinder to Mr Plielps, appeared in the Liberator, Boston, 
March 12, 1841, Mr Garrison will review the article in the "Advocate,"'' provided 
its columns are not closed against him. We will then see if the Seceders will 
bo as active in inundatmg Great Britain with the antidote, as the poison. 

IXFIDELITV. 

" If Amos A. Phelps is determined to dig his own pit, and to insure for himself an 
ignominious burial, he can blame no one but himself; and if Nathaniel Colver choosea 

G 



50 

to make Mr Phelps nis diampion, to sarc liim from utter condemnation for his un- 
principled conduct, I shall be anion-j the last to complain. They are perfectly con- 
scious that they have lost the respect and confidence of the great body ot Abolitionists 
in tliis Commonwealth ; and hence it is that they act like men who are desperate in 
spirit. T warn them not to persist in their insane course— to look well to their foot- 
steps—to cease acting the part of schismatics in the Anti-Slavery ranks — to count 
the costs of that warfare which they have begun to wage against the reformatory 
spirit of the times. Let them beware how they make the priest distinct from and 
superior to the man. Let them be assured that, though cunning, and tact, and Jesuit- 
ism, may succeed for a time, truth must be victor in the end, and innocence shall be 
vindicated in the eyes of the miiverse. 

"In the New England Christian Advocate, of Feb. , (edited by Luther Lee, and 

published at Lowell,) Mr Phelps has undertaken to prove, in an article occupying 
nearly a page of that paper, that the late Sabbatical Convention in Boston was an 
' infidel ' one ; that all who joined it as members were ' infidels ;' that, among those 
who acted a conspicuous part as ' infidels,' on that occasion, were Rev. Mr. Pierpont 
of Boston, and Rev. Mr Parker of Roxbury, and Messrs. Alcott, Dyer, Whiting, 
Brown, and others ; and that the slanderous charges brought against me in Mr 
Colver's letters to Joseph Sturge are all true to the letter ! ! ! J would here state, that 
I have regularly received every number of the Advocate, except the one containing the 
attack upon me by Mr Phelps ; nor have I now a copy of it in my possession, but it is 
solely owing to the kindness of a friend that I am indebted for a perusal of it. VVhether 
there has been any design in this omission, I cannot tell ; but 1 will thank Mr Lee, or 
any one else, to send me a copy without delay ; for 1 wish to make a reply to it 
through the columns of the Advocate; and if in that reply I fail to prove that Mr 
Phelps has acted the part of a slanderer and a Jesuit, then let me be subjected to 
derision, and covered with infamy. In all my readings, 1 have never seen any thing 
more unfair, more ludicrous, or more impudent, in controversy. The argument itself 
is ludicrous, but the spirit is obviously malignant, and the whole article remarkable 
for its bold effrontery. I shall take it for granted that Mr Lee will allow me to be 
heard in the Advocate, to the extent of the space that has been occupied by Mr 
Phelps. 

"In my reply to the charges of Nathaniel Colver, I said — 'I am as strongly opposed 
to infidelity, as that term is commonly understood, as 1 am to priestcraft and slavery.' 
Was it possible for me to have been more explicit? I further said— ' My religious 
sentiments are as rigid and uncompromising as those promulgated by Christ himself. 
The standard that he has erected is one that I reverence and advocate. In a true 
estimate of the divine authority of the scriptures, no one can go beyond me. They 
are my text-book, and worth all other books in the universe. Sly trust is in God, my 
aim to walk in the footsteps of his Son, &c., &c. 

" All this, says Mr Phelps, looks very fair- but what does it mean ? I do not mar- 
vel that one, whom I am constrained to regard as ignorant of the light, and life, and 
spirit of the gospel of Christ, and who is disposed to cling to that old covenant ' which 
gendereth to bondage,' is unable to perceive or understand the meaning of these 
declarations : but what I marvel at is this— that, whether I mean precisely by them 
what he does or not, he should be so rash and foolish as to attempt to identity them 
as infidel sentiments ! In his apostacy from the Anti-Slavery ranks, has he lost his 
reason ? Do ' infidels ' affect to reverence and advocate Christianity ? Do they place 
the Bible in value above all other books in the world ? Do they talk of trusting in 
God, and of glorifying in the cross of Christ ? Strange ' infidelity ' this ! ! 

" The outrageous injustice of Mr Phelps consists, first, in giving detached passages 
from the speeches of several individuals who addressed that Convention— and, se- 
condly, in making me responsible for these passages. Now, I protest against this 
course as being devoid of candour, and such as no honest-minded man would pursue. 
I choose to hold myself responsible only for the sentiments that I may utter or en- 
dorse. Those which Mr Phelps has selected he knows I neither uttered nor endorsed 
in the Convention. He knows, too, and is forced to confess, that I made the Bible my 
standard, and nothing else ; that all my arguments were based upon the Bible ; and 
that I expressly said, that I did not see how those, who rejected the Bible, could enter 
into the Sabbatical question, because nothing is definitely known of a Sabbath except 
from the Bible. And yet I am an 'infidel,' and 'in harmonious effort with Transcen- 
dentalists, the wildest of the no-marriage Perfectionists, &c., &c., against the Bible as 
our standard of faith ' ! ! 

" But this is not the worst of the story. With almost Satanic malice, (so it seems to 
me,) Mr. Phelps jjretends to give the views of certain individuals respecting marriage, 
and re])resents them as being in favour of the abrogation of the marriage institution ; 
and then he leads the reader to infer that I sympathize with such abominable senti- 
ments ! ! True, he does not dare to make any direct charge ; nay, he is so charitable 
as to presume that I am not yet prepared to go so far ; but it must be apparent to the 
dullest vision, that it was the design of Mr Phelps to have the inference drawn by the 
reader, that, because I happen to agree with those individuals on a particular topic, 
therefore I must necessarily agree with them in all their other sentiments ! If he did 
not mean all this, why did he take the pains to travel so far out of the record ? What 
a beautiful specimen of priestly candour and magnanimity! In this manner, how 



di 

easily one can stub tlic moi-al clrdvac^tor of another! Yet u-lio, but an assassin in 
spirit, would be ffuilty of such base conduct :* J3eUevingthat my views of the Sabl)atli 
are scriptural — that they are essential to tlie pvoi^ress of a pure j^n^pel — that thoy can- 
not be successfully controverted, and will ultimately bee jine universal, to tlio ntter 
overthrow of all priestcraft, superstitution, and false worship — I care not, and do not 
stop to ask, who is with or who ai^ainst me. Whoever receives my views, on that 
subject, I believe will receive wliat the Bible teaches, and what the Holy Spirit bears 
witness to, in that particular ; and so far he will be riyht, however loose or heretical 
he may be on other subjects. Is Mr Phelps prepared to be judged by his own stand- 
ard — that, because a good and a bad man may accord in opinion on a given jjoint, 
therefore they must harmonize in all other things ? Now, if am to be associated, 
nolens vo/eu.i, with those who would abrogate marriage, because they and I reject the 
dogma, that one day is more holy than another ; then, as I agree in this matter with 
Lutlier, with Calvin, with Paley, with Priestly, with Barclay, and a host of otiier 
men, who were supposed (at least by the various sects to which they belonged) to 
have stood within the pale of Christianity, let us hear no more about moriility or 
piety, but let them be ranked with ' the wildest of the no-marriage Perfectionists ' — 
with the vilest of the vile ! 

"Mr Phelps may pretend to believe that my religious sentiments 'tend' to the over- 
throw of marriage — for this is the artful form in which his profligate insinuations are 
made. So it is said that the sentiments of Abolitionists tend to insurrection and mur- 
der — and those of non-resistants to anarchy and jacoliinism ! But such sayings are more 
worthy of an inmate of Bedlam, than of a rational and sound mind. The marriage 
institution I have ever lield to be sacred, and I am sure that its overthrow would make 
our earth a hell ; and in my Lectures njion Slavery, if there be oiie topic that I have 
dwelt upon more particularly than another, it is the awful fact that, by that impious 
system, millions of our race arc denied the rights of marriage, auil are compelled to 
herd together like mere animals. That the marriage institution is most sliockin^rly 
perverted, no one can doubt. I am for its preservation, its purification, its perpetuity. 

" Whoever reports that tlie late Sabbath Convention was composed of intidels, is 
guilty of uttering falsehood. Its members were Methodists, Baptists, Congrega- 
tionalists. Friends, Unitarians, &c., &c. ; and nearly all of them Abolitionists. All 
persons were invited to it, and, of course, the assembly was as promiscuous as an Anti- 
Slavery or a temperance gathering. I have asserted that no infidels spoke in the 
meeting, using the term in its usual acceptation — viz.. no one, avowing himself to be 
an infidel of the ' Fanny Wright school.' This statement is perfectly accurate ; yet, 
to disprove it, Mr Phelos undertakes to show that the Rev. Mr Parker and others 
uttered sentiments whicli lie regards as infidel — ergo, it was an ' infiilel Convention ! 
Then, because Mr Plielps addresseil it, it was an 'orthodox Convention' — and when 
Mr C(dver spoke, it was a ' Baptist Convention ' — and when Mr Taylor spoke, it was 
a ' Methodist Convention.' ! ! ! But the Convention, as such, endorsed no man's sen- 
timents, and took no action upon the Sabbath question pro or con." — Liberator, Boston, 
March 12, 1841. 

The following resolution was passed at the Annual Alocting of the Worcester 
County North Division Anti-Slavery Society, held in Holden, Feb. I8th, 1841. 

" Resolved. That the recent attemjjt of the Rev. Nathaniel Colvei-, of Boston, to 
destroy, in England, the Anti-Slavery reputation and influence of our unfaltering 
coadjutors, John A. Collins and William L. Garrison, by slanderously assailing their 
moral and religious character in private letters, addressed to certain infiucntial 
Abolitionists in that Country, is regarded by this Society as in a high degree flagrant 
and unjustifiable, and worthy of universal reprobation. 

The following resolutions were passed at the Annual Meeting of the Essex 
County Anti-Slavery Society, held in Georgetown, February 25th, 1841. 

" Resolved, That we view, with indignation, tlie attempt recently made by 
Nathaniel Cfdver, of Boston, to impeach the character of our beloved brother, 
William Lloyd Garrison, before the Abolitionists of Great Britain, by alleging against 
him charges/«/.9^ infticf, as well as pertaining to subjects upon which we, as Abotdion- 
ists, cannot rightfully take cognizance." 

" Rcsolycd, That we regard with the same feelings, the unjustifiable attack of the 
same individual upon our beloved brother, John A. Collins, whose moral integrity 
stands unimpeachcd." 



TESTIMONY OF JAMES CANNINGS PULLER. 

James Cannings Fuller, of the United States, (formerly of England.) an orthodox 
minister of the Friends' Society, has, in ansA'cr to inquiries made by a Friend 
in this country, as to the truth of the statements in the extracts from the Rev. Mr 



52 

Culver's letters, on pages 45, 46, written a letter, in which he speaks in the highest 
terms of the Christian character of \Vm. Lloyd Garrison. Mr Fnller says : — 

" I should not hesitate to declare as my judgment, that there is no man in America, 
whose faith is more dee])ly founded on the fundamental principles of the Christian 
religion, as exhibited in the h<^ly Scriptures, or who has a more abiding sense of his 
duty towards God and his fellow-men, under those principles, than William Lloyd 
Garrison. Most sincerely and honestly do I believe, there is not the slightest ground 
for the charges of Nathaniel Colvcr against either Garrison or Collins." J. C. Fuller 
has also •' forwarded to the editor of the British and Foreign j^nti-Slavery Reporlir, 
which has been refused admission, a letter, accompanied with resolutions, supported 
by four orthodox ministers, and unanimously adopted by a convention of 30O Aboli- 
tionists," relating to these extracts. 

We will close this part of the subjectj by inserting- the lines addresscil to Mr 
Garrison by the poet Whittier : — 



TO WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 



Champion' of those who groan beneath 

Oppression's iron hand : 
In view of penury, hate, and death, 

I see thee fearless stand. 
Still bearing up thy lr>fty brow. 

In the steadfast strcntrth of truth, 
In manhood sealing v.'ell the vow 

And ])romise of thy youth. 

Go on I — for thou hast chosen well ; 

On in the strength of (Jod ! 
Long as one human heart shall swell 

Beneath the tyrant's rod. 
Speak in a slumbering nation's ear, 

As thou hast ever spoken, 
f ntil the dead in sin shall hear — 

The fetter's link be broken ! 

I love thee with a brother's love, 

I feel my pulses thrill. 
To mark thy spirit soar above 

The cloud of human ill. 
My heart hath lea])e(i to answer thine, 

And echo back thy words, 
As leai)s the warriors at tbe shine 

And flash of kindred swords ! 



They tell me thou art rash and vain — 

A searcher after fame — 
That thou art striving but to gain 

A long-enduring name — 
That thou hastBerved the Afric's hand. 

And steeled the Afric's heart. 
To shake aloft his vengeful brand, 

And rend his chain apart. 

Have I not known thee well, and read 

Thy mighty purpose long ! 
And watched the trials which have made 

Thj- human spirit strong ? 
And shall the shunlerer'x demon Ircatk 

Avail with one like me. 
To dim the sunshine of niji faith, 

And earnest trast in thee ? 

Go on— the dagger's point may glare 

Amid thy i)athway's gloom— 
The late which sternly threatens there, 

Js glorious tnartijrdom ! 
Then onward with a juartyr's zeal — 

Press on to thy reward — 
The hour when man shall only kneel. 

Before his Father — God. 



B.— See page 9. 



VOICE OF THE COLOURED PEOPLE. 



A few, as a specimen, of tbe many resohitions passed by the free coloured 
peo])Io, in diflTcrent parts of tbe United States, are liere inserted, in wliicb tlieir 
confidence is strongly expressed in Mr Garrison and the ohl organization, and 
tbeir unqualified condemnation of tbe socedinj^ party. 

At a very large adjourned meeting of tbe Coloured citizens of Boston, October 
I7th, to take into consideration tbe object, nature, and influence of new organiza- 
tion, lie following resolutions were passed : — 

" Resolved, That we consider it a religious duty to defend Mr Garrison against every 
attempt, whether of internal or external foes, to crash him. 

" Resolved, That we hail with joy the fact, that unshaken confidence is rei)osed in 
our highly esteemed fellow-citizen. William Lloyd (ian-ison, by the coloured peop].> in 
New Bedford. \\'orcest('r, Salem, and elsewhere in this commonwealth, and regard it 
as a further proof of their discernment and love of pure principles. 



53 

" Resolved, That we believe it is now made manifest to every coloured person, that 
the design of the new organization is the entire overthrow of the Massachusetts Anti- 
Slavery Society r and that no artiiice is l.'ft untried to efifect that purjidse ; and there- 
fore that it ought to be regarded with more jealousy than even the Colonization 
Society itself 

" Resolved, That all Coloured people who are acquainted with the present aspect of 
the Anti-Slavery cause in this State, and who enlist with those who seek the over- 
throw of Garrison and his coadjutors, are enemies to the true interest of the Slave, 
and ought to be treated as such ; for no dependence can be placed upon them ; if 
they will betray one man, they are very likely to do so to another. 

"THOMAS IIENSON, Chairman. 
" Wji, C. Nell, Secretary." 

At a large and respectable meeting-, held by the Coloured people in New 
Bedfoi-d, I\Iay 25tli, 1840, Solomon Penetou Mas called to the Chair, and J. 
P). Sanderson appointed Secretary. N. A. Borden and Paul C. Howard, on 
(lie part of a committee, presented the following resolutions, which after an 
animated discussion, were unanimously adopted : — 

" Ilesolved, That we cannot but ex])ress our unaffected Joy and gratitude to God, 
for the success that attended the American Anti-Shivery Society, at the last annual 
meeting, in its determination to adhere U> original and ]iure Anti-Slavery princij)les ; 
and we regard it as a signal triumpli of liberty and truth, over intolerance, sectarian- 
ism and error. 

" Ilesolved, That the prompt manner in wliich our coloured friends in this and the 
NEIGHBOURING STATES RESPONDED to the call and came vp to the rescue, 
augurs well for their Anti-Slavery zeal ; and no doubt thej-^ find a rich reward in the 
consciousness of having done their duty in a righteous cause. 

" Ilesolved, That the spirit which leads to 'new organization,' because females are 
allowed to speak and act in a holy cause as duty dictates, is the foul spirit of preju- 
dice; and as its tendency is to exclude a large portion of the well-tried friends of the 
Slave, on account of tlieir sex, we should not be surprised if its next step is to exclude 
another portion on account of colour. 

'' Resolved, That the word ' FOREIGN ' in tlie name of the New Society lately 
formed at New York, is a significant word, rightly expressing the principles upon 
which it is based, viz. : that they are naforciini to freedom and equality, as the Slave 
code of Georgia is to the DccUiration of American Independence. 

'•S. PENETON, Chairman. 
"J. B, Sanderson, Sccrcturtj." 

The following extract from a speech of INIr Remond, the intelligent and elo- 
quent Coloured delegate from the United States, to the General Anti-Slavery Con- 
vention in London, delivered at a large public meeting in Darlington, January 
27th, 1841, will siiowwhat organization has tlie confidence of the coloured people 
of America ; — 

" He considered it most unjust to desert that Society longest known and most faith- 
fully tried in tlie fiery ordeal of sutlering and proscriij'tion, and which had for the last 
eight years stood storm-proof against erery sjjecies of opposition. He felt that the 
English friends had committed themselves to wliat w;is called new organization, pre- 
maturely, and that too, from ex-parte statements. He felt free to declare, that up to 
tliat hour, the expression of the free jjcople of colour, so far as any had Ijeen made, 
•wa.s in favour of the original American Anti-Slavery Society. He considered the 
decision of the coloured jjeople the Ijest thermometer to enable the mepfing to form a 
judgment as to the rise and fall of genuine Abolition. For the undiminished regard 
they had for those bold, true, and fearless advocates of their cause, ^Vm. Lloyd 
Garrison and N. P. Rogers, lie would refer the audience to their reception in Boston, 
on their return from this country a short time since, by the coloured iicojile of that 
city." 

Upon the return of Wm. Lloyd Garrison and N. P. llogers to America, from 
England, in August, 1840, tlic Coloured citizens of Boston called a public meeting, 
at which about two thousand of every complexion were present, to give them a 
cordial reception, as their tried friends and tlie faitliful advocates of " old or- 
ganization" principles. 

" I\Ir Hilton, in introdueing ]\Ir Garrison, to that large assembly, made use 
of the following language, wliich expressed the feelings of his coloured 
bretlirpn : — 
'•My wi:Lr.-Bi:Lovr:r> Fnii;xn .vno Biiotiiimi, — 

*' Ten years hav^ well nigh elapsed, since it was my happy lot, in conjunction with 
the'chiiirtmui'bf this meeting, to greet yotir first entrance into the city of Boston, and 



54> 

to give you a hearty welcome, as our organ— as an exponent of the feelings of the col- 
oured people. 

" It has become my pleasing task again to give you a most cordial welcome on the 
part of the same people, on your return from what is called the VVorld's Convention ; 
falsely so called. Your advocacy of the glorious principles of Immediate Emancipa- 
tion, for wliicli you have suffered so much, has greatly endeared you to the hearts of 
tliis people. They have come forth, as you see, to give you a cordial welcome. 

'•They well remember that William Lloyd Garrison, was the first who raised his 
voice in America, in favour of Immediate Emancipation; and it is Williaii Lloyd 
Garrison whom tliey still find their boldest champion. 

" Whilst the pulpit wti s dumb, you, Sir, lifted up your voice in our hehalf like a man ! 
(Applause)— and lest editors may conceive themselves sliglited, I will remark that they 
also were dumb ; while your voice was raised in a manner the most determined and 
persevering. They well remember your ' Thoughts on Colonization ;' your predictions 
of what would befall you in conseqnence of attacking that rotten system. They re- 
member the noble pledges that you have in past titnes made in their behalf; and they 
are here this night to testify that yo.u have uniformly redeemed them all. (Great 
applause.) 

"• We think, on this occasion, of some who were your early companions ; we look 
for them in vain ; they walk no more with you. It would have been our pleasure to 
have given them also a tribute of respect. But yon are still surrounded by a brilliant 
constellation of faithful spirits, wlio have never flinched from your side. I behold 
one who is here sharing with you the pleasures of return. I mean your own beloved 
Rogers : dear to us also, for his faithfulness in supporting the same principles. • * 

'• We congratulate you and ourselves upon your safe return to your dear native 
country— to this city— to the soil which gave you birth— to the society of your beloved 
family, and to the dear friends that surround you; — to the coloured man whose cause 
you have advocated. And in expression of our fellowship and grateful sense of your 
devotedness to it, I now give you, in behalf of tliis meeting, my right hand, (great 
ajjplause) — with it goes my heart ! (overwhelming applause,) and the hearts of my 
brethren miitedly. Sir, (Amen, amen, from the meeting,) I present hearts before you 
that your enemies have not been able to change or conq^uer : liearts tliat could no 
more be bribed or stolen from you, than your heart can be from ns. ( Ani)lau.se.) And 
now. Sir, in behalf of this assemblage, I invoke the blessing of high heaven upon 
your head '. (Repeated and enthusiastic expressions.)" 



C— See page 9. 
VOICE OF THE PRO-SLAVERY PRESS. 

The ChrixtifiH Pciitopli/, a Journal notoriously liostile to the Anti-Slavery 
enterprise, makes use of the following- language with respect to " Now Organi- 
zation," and did space permit, sentiments of a similar character, from a great 
number of other papers might be introduced, but this, with a i'cw other extracts, 
will be sufficient to lead the thinking to examine for themselves, and to discern 
its perfect harmony with the spirit of the New Organization Journals: — 

" It has been alleged that those of us who would not fall into the Garrison ranks, 
were the friends and advocates of Slavery. Now, we are utterly opposed to Slavery ; 
this, we know, is the general feeling at the North ! ! and our brethren who charge us 
with favouring Slavery, have borne wrong testimony against us. They do us and the 
cause an injury ; they think to dri\e ns into their ranks, or else to induce us to become 
the advocates of this moral evil. L>ut we have done neither. We have protested 
against the outrai;eous cour.se which Garrison has pursued, in breathing out rage and 
madness against the Slave-holders. And now, some of our brethren, who once fol- 
lowed him, liave opened their eyes to his errors, 'and have seceded from his ranks. A 
division has taken place ; a separation, with no prospects of a re-union. 

" VYe very much doubt whether Mr Garrison is a real friend to tlie Coloured man I ! 

He has designs to accorni)li.sh ; and in his aim at his main purpose, he presses in every 
thing that can be used for it. Now, non-resistance ; — now, the woman question ; — 
and now, tee-totalism. He hopes in this way to draw in many whom he could not 
otherwise reach. * * • Those who give, would do well to inquire 

what becomes of their money ; is it applied so as to accomplish what the donors wi.sh ? 
JSlaiiy church-members contribute to them, and their money is used to pay for the 
services of agents for railing against the church and its servants. 

"'r'i'key will find that in reality they are not struggling for the highest good of the 
black mun^ but against tl)e u)iuistry, \yho are the servants of the church ; and thus in 



55 

reality warring agaiust the church of Christ. Whether even some of the leading men 
in the Garrison ranks are aware of it, we doubt. Time has been, when we saw this 
state of things, but could not sjieak fully about it, because .so many of the miuistera 
were in those ranks ; and their being there was an argument that no evil design was 
entertained. But they have seen their position ; they have come out, refusing any 
longer to 'touch the unclean thing'— and now we can say, fearlessly, that (Jarrison 
is a bitter, uncompromising enemy of the church of Christ. Its institutions lie hates ; 
its Sabbaths he tramples down, and so eventually will his followers. Destroy the 
aacredness of the Sabbath, and you give the right hand of fellowship to inliJelity. 
• • * * To destroy the cause uf Christ, you have only 

to overthrow the ministry, and make the Sabbath like other days, and your work is 
half done — yea, done. * * Tiiue, we have not enlisted undeii the isan.neh 
OF NEW ORGANIZATION ; mainly, becausc we cannot relinquish our belief that coloni- 
zation AT LiBEKiA, is a benevolent enterprise ; effecting more visible good than any 
oi/tfi- measure yet adopled. Its object and mode of government is vastly preferable to 
any Engliahplaii, yet adopted." 

The Wasliuvjton Globe, n most malignant and ferocious journal against every 
tiling in the form of genuine Anti-Slavery, after ridiculing the American 7\.nti- 
Slavcry Society, as being a " Woman's-Rights," " No-human-governraont 
Society," shows its sympathy with the seceding party, as follows : — 

" These ultras had a majority in the late Anti-Slavery Convention at New York, and 
permitted women to vote, and be appointed on Committees.* The consequence was, 
the secession of the minority, who did not relish this ' petticoat government,' and the 
formation of a new society, styling itself * The American and Foreign Anti-Slavery 
Society.' " 

The New York Herald, of infamous notoriety, and especially distinguished 
for its pro-Slavery virulence, complimented the seceders as men who had a true 
sense of " self-respect," and added, — 

" Garrison and his coadjutors, anxious only for notoriety, and reckless of the means 
of obtaining it, have stimulated the more inconsiderate of their followers to ultra and 
odious measures, in the hope of driving off all sober men of discretion, (!) and thus 
gaining undisputed control of the means and influence of the Society." 



D.— See page 25. 

As I am unable, at this time, to lay my hands upon the anecdotes designed for 
this Appendix, illustrating the foresight and integrity of Mr Garrison, I will sup- 
ply their place with other useful information, though not so particularly relating 
to Mr Garrison. 

At the Ninth Annual Meeting of the Massachusetts Anti- Slavery Society, 
on the 27th January, 1841, and the most numerous meeting of the Society ever 
held, the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted : — 

" Whereas, from the fact that our beloved brother William Lloyd Garrison has been, 
under God, the mighty agent for arousing this country to a sense of her inexpressible 
blood-guiltiness; and whereas, from the power of truth with which he is clothed, he is 
now, as he has been from the commencement, more dreaded, by the Slaveocracy of the 
country than any other man, aivd con-<eqneiitly no devices have been spared to destroy, 
this influence, by the basL'st iiisinudti(nis and most barefaced falsehoods, thereljy 
making him the great stumbling-stoue and rock of offence to the jjrogress of the cause ; 
and whereas, calls are heard from all jjurts of the State for visits from our brother, the 
conviction being felt that at his jjreseiice the foes would be subdued, and for these and 
other reasons, more could be accomplished for the cause by his public speaking, than 
by the united labours of many men ; therefore, 

*■ [lesolved. That he be urgently invited to engage, as much as possible, in lecturing 
in the several towns in the Commonwealth, during the present season. 

" Resolved, That while we have no conflict with the church or ministry, as such, 
but while we highly admire and commend such churches and ministers as remember 
those in bonds as bound with them, and preach deliverance to the captive, and the 
opening of the prison doors to such as are bound ; still we do most solemnly denounce 
the churches and ministers who refuse to bear an open and consistent testimony 
against Slavery, as against the separate crimes of which it is made up, as the most 
dangerous, because the most insidious, enemies of freedom ; as th.^ most strenuous 
oj)posers of the spread of the Gos])el of Jesus Christ, and the most earnest promoters 
of cruelty, vice, and irreligion in the land." 

* Just as they did in 1839. Was tliis iiitrodutins any thing new ? 



56 

The following extract, from the Ninth Annual Report of January, 1841, of 
the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, one of the many State Auxi- 
liaries of the American Auti- Slavery Society, will give some idea of its effi- 
ciency, notwithstanding the etlorts of the Seceders to destroy it: — 

" In consequence of the divisions whicli have taken place in this Coniinonvvealth — 
thccxtraordinitvv and exhausting cfiovts which were made to redeem the pledge of 
ten tiiousaiiil dollars to the National Society in 1839 — and the suspicion and distrust 
which have Iteeu so widely excited against this Society— it has not been possible for 
the Uoard to carry on the operations of the Society during the past year, so eificiently 
or vigorously as they could have desired. But, though they have been unable to 
'make bricks without straw,' they have endeavoured to make the best use of the 
means in their possession for the promotion of the Anti-Slavery enterprise. Since 
the last Annual Meeting, the receipts into the treasury have amounted to uj)wards of 
nine thousand dollars, and the expenditures to nearly the same amount. Of the ex- 
j)enditures, a considerable portion has been paid to the agents in the employment of 
the Society, for the past and preceding year. Among those agents have been Philo 
V. Fettibone, VV. R. Chajiman, Sumner Lincoln, EzraC. Suiith, Pliilemon R. Russell, 
J. S. Brown, James C. Jackson, N. H. Whiting, George Foster, Richard Hood, George 
Bradburn. T. P. Ryder, \V. L. Garrison, John Jones, J. P. Bishop, C. M. Burleigh, 
J. D. Ilerrick, J. ti. Duryee, S. S. Foster, Parker Pillsbury, Edwin Thompson, all of 
whom have laboured with zeal and fidelity during the period of their engagement.'" 

The following sentence is extracted from the Ninth Annual Report of the 
Board of IManagers of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, (I84U, show- 
in"- the relation the cause sustains to Mr Garrison's peculiar views : — 

" It is due to Mr Garrison to say, that no one has laboured more assiduously than 
himself to keep the Anti-Slavery enterprise distinct from every other, (qnestion), and 
to avoid the introduction of ' extraneous' matters. Whatever may be his religious 
oi)inions, or his notions of the existing governments of the world, the Society has 
never been called upon to give them its approval." 



E.— See page 27. 



The ohjeet of the Society shall be to endeavour, by all means sanctioned by 
law, humanity, and religion, to cfltct the Abolition of Slavery in the United 
States; to improve the character and condition of the free people of colour, to 
inform and correct public opinion in reliition to llieir situation and rights, and to 
obtain for them equal civil and i)olitical rights and privileges with the whites — 
Constitution of the MassachuncUs Anti-Sluva-i/ Society, Art. 2. 



F.— Sec page 28. 



Any person, by signing the Constitution, and paying to the Treasurer fifteen 
dollars as a life subscription, or one dollar annually, shall be considered a mem- 
ber of the Society, and entitled to a copy of all its official publications — Con- 
atitidionofthe Massaclntsetts Anti-Slavay Sacidi/, Art. 3. _ 

Any Anti- Slaver 11 Socitti/, or an;/ association founded on kindred principles, 
may become auxiliary to this Society, by contributing to its funds, and may 
communicate with us by letter, ov delegation. — Ibid, Art. 11. 



G.— Sec page 30. 



Anj/ person who consents to the principles of this Constitution, who contributes 
ti) the funds of this Society, and is not a Slave-holder, rnai/ be a member of tliis^ 
Society, AST) suall be entitled to vote at its meetikgs. — Constitution <f 
the American Anti-Slavery Society, Art. d. 



51 



H.— See page 31. 



Any Anti-Slavery Society, or association, founded on the same principles, 
may become auxiliary to this Society. 'Tlie Officers of oacli Auxiliary Society, 
sliall be ex-officio members of tlio Parent Institution, and slmll be eiilillcJ la 
ddiberute and vote in the transaction of its concerns — Cunstitiition of the 
American Anti- Slavery Societi/, Art. 9. 



I. — See page 39. 



THE WORLD'S CONVENTION. 



The refusal on the part of WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, and other 
delegates from the American Anti -Slavery Society, to participate in the proceed- 
ings of the General Anti-Slaverj/ Convention, held in London, last June, has 
been much used to prejudice tlie minds of British Philanthropists against those 
gentlemen, and the Society which delegated them, as being committed to what 
is technically called the *' Woman s-Rig/its Question." 

To form a right judgment with respect to the proceedings of these gentlemen, 
in relation to the rejection of the Women, delegated by the largest body of 
Abolitionists in America ; it is necessary tliat the circumstances connected Avith 
this subject should be well understood. When this is done, the whole matter 
will appear in quite a dift'erent light to that in which it has generally been 
viewed. Space will not permit a full presentation of the subject in this connexion. 
A few of the leading facts must suthce. 

In the summer of 1839, the EMANCIPATOR, the official organ of the 
American Anti- Slavery Society, threw out a suggestion, that a World's Con- 
vention ought to be held, to devise ways and means for the immediate extinction 
of Slavery and the Slave trade from the globe. In accordance with this sugges- 
tion, the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, issued a 
call for such a convention, requesting that delegates from the various parts of 
the civilized world, might be appointed to convene in London, in June 1840, 
for the objects specified above. 

From the terms of the call it was understood, (1) that each Anti-Slavery 
Society was considered competent, by tlie Committee of the British and Foreign 
Anti-Slavery Society to select their own representatives; (2) that persons pro- 
perly delegated by regularly constituted Anti-Slavery Societies, would be 
received ; (3) that the convention would not entertain atii/ subject foreign to the 
Universal Abolition of Slavery and the Slave-trade. 

In answer to this call, the American Anti-Slavery Society, desirous of having 
the various classes of Abolitionists represented in this convention, delegated 
Messrs Garrison and Rogers to represent one class ; Mr Remond, a coloured 
gentleman, to represent the people of colour, and Mrs Mott to represent the 
; women, agreeably to the usages of American Abolitionists. Other Societies 
in America did the same. 

The convention was in Session several days previous to the arrival of Messrs 

: Garrison, Rogers, Remond, and Adams, who found the anticipated World's 

I Convention, fashioned into a conference with the Committee of the British and 

, Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, (which in fact prescribed its rules and regulations,) 

and, that in consequence of previous correspondence with the Seceders in the 

United States, the tvomen delcgcdes from America were excluded, in addition to 

other narrow and prescriptive acts of the Committee. These gentlemen refused 

to enter the convention, not because tlie women as such had been rejected, but 

because regularly constituted delegates, some of whom bore credentials from the 

same society as themselves, had been refused admission, and because the convention 

had stepped out of its ''appropriate sphere" to determine the inappropriate 

DUTIES OF Women. A refusal to join the convention, on the part of these men, 

H 



58 

had delegates been refused admission on account of their religious or political 
creed, caste, height, or complexion, would have created no sensation whatever ; 
on the contrary, such a testimony against such a glaring act of injustice, would 
have secured tlie admiration of millions. j\fll GAIIIIISON and his coadjutors 
viewed in the same light, the rejection of those NOBLE WOMEN from Ame- 
rica — who had left their home and friends, with hearts full of love and pity for 
enslaved millions, and crossed the broad Atlantic, with throbbing bosoms, to 
mingle their prayers and their sympathies with a WORLD'S PHILAN- 
THROPY. Allowing that these men refused to enter because women, as wo- 
men, were excluded, an objection to such a course comes with an ill grace from 
those who have seceded, or Avho justify such a secession from an Anti-Slavery 
Society, on the ground that women are not rejected. 



K. — See page 39. 

The following Resolutions were passed at the same Meeting of Committee of 
the American Anti-Slavery Society, as that at which the transfer of the Emanci- 
pator took place, on the pretended ground of the insufficiency of funds, as will 
be seen by the Protest below : — 

" In the Executive Committee, /Ipril IG, 1840. 

" Resolved, That as the sum of five hundred dollars has been contributed by the 
friends of .Tames G. Biruey, towards defraying his expenses to the Loudon Convention, 
the sum of three hundred dollars additional be appropriated to enable him to fulfil his 
mission. 

"Resolved, That so much as is necessary to pay the three liundred dollars to Mr 
Birney, be appropriated of the subscriptions made at the Cleveland Meeting, and the 
pledge of the Maine Society. 

(Signed,) " JOSHUA LEAVITT, Recording Secy. 

" Resolved, That the sum of five hundred dollars be appropriated to defray the ex- 
penses of Mr Stanton to London, and that as much of the pledge of the Vermont 
bociety, be specially pledged for that purpose. 

(Signed,) "J. hEAYlTi:, Recording Secy." 

PROTEST. 

" The Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society have voted to 
transfer the Etnanciijator to the New York City Society, on the alleged ground that 
they,can no longer provide the means necessary to sustain it. 

" hi the 7uime of the Ajieuican Anti-Slaverv Society, I jjrofest against this act of 
the Committee, for the following (among other) reasons : — 

"1. The Emancipator is not the property of the Executive Committee. It belongs 
to the American Society, which is constituted of the Abolitionists of the country, who 
have sustained it through a long period of pecuniary embarrassment, and but for 
whose aid, it would have ceased to exist long ago. The aggregate excess of expendi- 
ture over all its receipts, since 1835, is more than Ten Thousand Dollurn, which has 
been liquidated by the American Anti-Slavery Society, and not by tlie Executive 
Committee. The Committee, not being its real proprietors, have, therefore, no right 
to dispose of the EmaHcipator, by sale, transfer, or otherwise. 

" 2. The Emancipator is the official organ of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 
The Executive Committee were apj^ointed (in part) to conduct that organ, as the 
official exponent and vindicator of its principles, — as the guardian of its integrity, — 
as the proper and accredited medium of correspondence with its constituents and 
auxiliaries. To remove that organ, is, literally, to destroy a part of its organization 
— to strike at the existence of the American Anti-Slavery Society, whose members 
never contemplated vesting a suicidal power in their Executive Committee, which 
they might wield at pleasure. 

"3. The transfer is not necessary, on the alleged ground. A statement of the pro- 
perty of the Society shows a large balance over all its liabilities. 

"4. Due resjicct to the feelings and o])inions of the Abolitionists generally dictates 
the propriety of referring the fimil dis])i)sition of the Emancipator to the approaching 
annual meeting. A siispcnxion of the ]niblication would be preferable to its transfer, 
as it would not thereby be jdaced beyond the power of the Society to resume it; 
whereas, by the vote now passed, it is irrecoverable. 

" These are some of the more important considerations, which induce my dissent 
from the Committee. 

"JAMES S. GIBBONS." 



59 



L. — See page 40. 

See extracts of the Rev. Mr Colver's letters, on page 45, 46, and the address 
of the Massachusetts Abolition Society, page 00. 

Tlie following- is a copy of the correspondence of the Eeprcsentative of the 
American Anti- Slavery Society, with the London Coniniittee- By a reference 
to tlie dates of their respective letters, it will be seen that I was detained for 
nearly six weeks, for that which might have been accomplished in as many days, 
had a special meeting been convened as is customary under similar circnmstances. 

Before my correspondence was closed with the Committee, they sent letter 
(C) over the kingdom, conveying in general terms the most severe charges, 
tending to destroy all confidence in the Society I had the honour to represent, 
and not unfroquently accompanied with Mr Colver's dastardly insinuations, 
tending to destroy ]\Ir Garrison's influence, and my reputation, as the agent of 
tlie American Society. When the specific charges [vide last section in letter D.] 
are called for, the re(iuest is evaded by a declaration of the Committee that they 
"have brought no charges'" [see letter G]. No specific charges are preferred, 
for the very good reason that none can be sustained. But I will leave the 
reader to draw his own conclusions, after he has given the correspondence a 
thorough examination, as to whether there is any thing in this act of the Com- 
mittee that is generous, open, and frank, and which will reflect credit upon the 
character of British Abolitionists. 

(A.) 
C, Queen Street Place, Southwark Bridge, London, Dee. lOt/i, 1840. 
To the Committee of the BritisJi and Foreign Anti-Slaveri/ Society. 

Gentlemen, — I am deputed by the American Anti-Slavery Society to solicit 
pecuniary aid in this country, to enable it to continue its exertions for the Aboli- 
tion of Slavery in Amei-ica. 

It is with great reluctance that the Committee of the American Anti- Slavery 
Society feel compelled to call upon their friends in Great Britain for pecuniary 
assistance, and they would have rejoiced to have been able to sustain their opera- 
tions for the oppressed Slave, without being compelled so to do. 

The recent monetary difficulties through which North America has been 
struggling for the last three years, have been so oppressive, and the sacrifices 
which the friends of the Negro have been called upon to make, have been so 
great, that they, however willing, are no longer able, without some aid, to sustain 
tlie Anti-Slavery cause. 

The late contest, for the election of a President, has likewise been detri- 
mental to the cause of Abolition, Inasmuch as political opinions, by dividing 
men for a time, during a period of excitement, and attracting attention to another 
subject, begets for a while an estrangement between those who were heretofore 
united in the attainment of one grand object, and causes a diversion of funds to 
political objects, which had probably otherwise been devoted to emancipate those 
in bonds. 

We trust, however, that if the Society can obtain the sum of £2000, it will 
enable it to retain its groimd, until circumstances shall be so altered that tlie 
friends of Abolition in America may again be able to carry on the work of the 
Society v.ithout further assistance. 

I therefore address myself to the Committee of tlie British and Foreign Anti- 
Slavery Society for a grant of such a sum of money as it may be in their power 
to contribute, in aid of the American Anti-Slavery Society; but should the Com- 
mittee be unable, from want of I'unds, to make any grant, then it only remains 
for me earnestly to solicit from them an expression of their cordial desire for the 
success of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 

To you, as the acknowledged Society for the Abolition of Slavery, both in 
this country and all over the world, I enclose my credentials, signed by 
Charles Marriott, Secretary, and James S. Gibbons, Chairman of the Executive 



60 

Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Sacieti/, dated New York, Sejit. '25111, 
1840j and trust that the appeal thus made may meet with your cordial approval.* 
A reply is respectfully soliciled as early as the couvenieuce of the Committee 
M'ill permit. 

With fraternal feelings, and a desire for your prosperity and faithful continu- 
ance in every good word and work, I subscribe myself, 
Yours, very respectfully, for the cause, 

J. A. COLLINS, 
Representative of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 
To J. H. TuEDGOLD, Esq., Sccn'tavy to ike British and Foreign A7iti-Slavery Socicfy. 

(B.) 

British a7ul Foreign Anti-Slaver}/ Socief//,fur the Abolition of Slavery and the 
Slave Trade throughout the World. 

2", New Broad Street, London, Wth Dec, 1S40. 

Dear Sir, I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, 

dated yesterday, enclosing credentials from the Executive Committee of the 
American Anti-Slavery Society. 

We have no meeting in view of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society's 
Committee until the first of next month, when your letter shall be submitted. 
The enclosed credentials I will send you back in a day or two. 
I am, dear Sir, yours sincerely, 

J. H. TREDGOLD. 
(C.) 

British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, for the Abolition of Slavery and the 
Slave Trade throughout the World. 

27, New Broad Street, London, .km. 2(1, 1841. 
To J. A. Collins, Esq. 

Sir, — Your letter to the Committee of the British and Foreign An ti- Slavery 
Society was laid before them at their meeting yesterday, and was taken by them 
into full consideration. 

It appears that the Committee are to regard you as an authorized Representa- 
tive of the American Anti-Slavery Society, on whose behalf you are deputed to 
raise funds in Great Britain ; and that yon apply to them either for " a grant of 
a sum of money," or for "an expression of their cordial desire for the success" 
of the Society you represent. 

With respect to the former part of the alternative, the Committee have to 
observe, that whatever the amount of their funds might be, they could not con- 
sider themselves entitled to dispose of them in the way you desire; so that they 
feel it their duty to decline altogether the consideration of a money grant ; and 
easy as the adoption of the latter part of the alternative might appear, and painful 
as it is to find any ground for hesitation in this respect, the Committee are never- 
theless constrained to say, that the course recently pursued by the American 
Anti- Slavery Society has alienated their confidence. 

According to your request, the Committee forward this reply at the earliest 
moment. They have heard something, indirectly, of your wishing an interview 
■with them ; but they wait, before saying anything on this point, until they shall 
understand from yourself that this is your desire. 

I am, Sir, yours respectfully, 

J. H. T'UEDGOLD, Secretary. 
(D.) 
6, Queen Street Place, Sopthwark Bridge, London, Jan. 5th, 1841. 
To the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 

Gentlemen, — I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your favour of the 2d inst., 
•which reached me about three o'clock p. m., of yesterday, by which I was sorry 

* In tliis correspondence, I did not allude to the division, as my credentials, which 1 submitted to tlie 
London Committee, exposed, very fully, the policy and course pursued by the " New-orgaiiizatiou" 
party in America. 



61 

to learn from the Committee, " that -whatever the amomit of their funds may be, 
liey could not consider themselves entitled to dispose of them in the way you 
desire." 

Permit me to remark. Gentlemen, that the Committee of the British and 
Foreign Anti-Shivery Society declared in their Annual Report of June, 1840, 
that "wherever there is a luunan being- subject to Slavery, or the victim of the 
Slave Trade, thither should their eyes be turned, their sympathies directed, 
and their help afforded." This declaration 1 have understood as holding- out 
the otfer of co-operation and assistance to those who labour for the Abolition 
of Slavery in every part of the globe. I was, therefore, surprised when I 
read in your letter that you are not "entitled" to give the American Anti- 
Slavery Society, [if the state of your funds would permit,] that aid which its 
situation and circumstances require. I shall, therefore, be obliged to the Com- 
mittee to explain their meaning, when they say, " that whatever the amount 
of their funds may be, they do not consider themselves entitled to dispose of 
them in the way you desire ;" which desire was that you would assist the 
American Anti- Slavery Society, by a money grant, to carry on the work of 
Emancipation in the United States. If I am to understand this declaration of 
the Committee as a general one, applicable to all bodies associated for the 
Abolition of Slavery, then tlie words of your Report of 1840 have been mis- 
imderstood by me, and as the deputed Agent of the American Anti- Slavery 
Society, I am to understand that the Committee of the British and Foreign 
Anti-Slavery Society is not "entitled" (or at liberty), at any time, or to any 
Society, to render assistance in the form of a money grant. 

The Committee inform me in their comnuinicatiou, that they " have heard 
something- indirectly of your wishing an interview with them, but they wait 
before saying anything on this point until they shall understand from you 
that this is your desire." It must be, gentlemen, the earnest desire of every 
sincere and upright-minded man, or of every associated body of men, or of men 
and women labouring for the overtlu-ow of Slavery, to gain the couutenauee and 
good wishes of all others working in the same cause of righteousness, wliocv^c 
they may be, or wherever situated. You may, therefore, conclude tl'.at the 
American Anti-Slavery Society will be somewhat confused and anxious In 
ascertain what its "course recently pursued" has been to "alienate" ^our 
confldence" to that degree as to refuse to wish it God speed. 

This " alienation" arises, no doubt, from a misunderstanding, on the ])art of 
the Committee, as to the real position of the American Anti-Slavery Sociely. It 
should be our endeavour, therefore, to remove every thing which roparates 
brother from brother^ and, for this end, I tru.st yon will favour me v.ilh the 
charges implied in the "course recently pursued by the American Anii-Slavery 
Society," Avhich has " alienated" your " confidence," that I may be prepaird to 
a]tpear before yon, and to use my humble endeavours to remove from yuur 
minds those impressions erroneously entertained against the American Anli- 
Slavery Society, and injurious to the cause of the Ne;ro. 

Trusting that the Committee will let me hear from thesn with as little delay as 
possible, 

I remain. Gentlemen, your obedient Servant, very respectfully, 

.T. A. COLLINS, 
Representative of tlic American Anti-Shivery Society. 

To J. II. Trldgold, Esq., ^t, 

CE.) 

G, Queen SiTvEf.t Place, South 
To the Sccrcttiri/ of the Britisli (uvl Forciija Aii/i-Slnrrri/ Socielij. 

Sir, — On Tuesday last, I transmitted to you a 
acquainted with all those circumstances wiiich li,i 
Anti-Slavery Society from the "confidence" of 
and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society, and which, 



HiiiDijE, 


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ON, 


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t.'i, 1S41 


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; made 
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of the 



62 

second instant, bearing your signature as Secretary of that Society, are of so 
important a nature as to prevent the Committee from expressing their cordial 
concurrence with the American Anti- Slavery Society. As its accredited agent, 
I leave you to form an idea of the trying situation in which I am placed, at thus 
learning that any cause exists which should produce a separation between bodies, 
both of which, I am bound to believe, are diligently labouring to deliver their 
fellow-men from cruel bondage and oppression. To me, in these circumstances, 
it is additionally trying, because I am confident there is no just cause for this 
separation. 

Painfully placed as I am, and feeling deeply the injustice done to the Society 
I represent, tlie injury to the cause of Emancipation, and also to myself individu- 
ally, — a stranger in the country, appointed to act for that Society, — my way 
blocked up until I can obtain an opportunity of disabusing the minds of the 
Committee of the Britisli and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society of the wrong im- 
pressions entertained by them agiiinst the American Anti- Slavery Society, and 
thus living here, comparatively idle, at considerable expense, you will, I am con- 
fident, see the propriety of making an early acknowledgment of the receipt of 
my letter. I beg the further assurance from you that a special Committee will 
be speedily called to reply to ray letter, and relieve me from so painful a state of 
suspense. 

I am, dear Sir, yours very respectfully, 

J. A. COLLINS, 
Representative of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 

T. II. Tredgold, Esq., Secretary to the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 



(F.) 
British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Societi/, 

27, New Broad Street, 8//; .Jan., 1841. 
To J. A. Collins, Esq., ^*c. 

Sir, — I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your communications of the 5th and 
8th instant, and to acquaint you, in reply, that there will, in all probability, be 
a special meeting convened for Friday, the 15th instant, at four o'clock, of the 
Committee of the British and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society, to dispose of some 
matters of business which require their attention, when your letters shall be sub- 
mitted for consideration. 

I am, dear Sir, yours respectfully, 

J. H. TREDGOLD, Sec. 

(G.) 

British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, for the Abolition of Slavery and the 
Slave Trade throughout the World. 

27, New Broad Street, London, Jon. I6th, 1841. 
To J. A. Collins, Esq., S,-c. 

Sir, — Agreeably to your request, your letters of the 5th and 8th ins tant hav 
been submitted to the consideration of a Meeting of the Committee of the British 
and Foreign ^Vnti- Slavery Society, held this evening, and I am instructed to in- 
form you that the Committee have brought no "charges"!! Wliat has been 
"alienated" from the American Anti- Slavery Society is tlie "confidence" of 
the Committee in the salutary influence of that Society on the Anti-Slavery cause 
since the division which took place in May last : — that cause in the United States 
the Committee now consider as more truly represented by the American and 
I'^orcign Anti-Slavery Society. 

I am. Sir, yours respectfully, 

J H. TREDGOLD, Sec. 



63 

M. — See page 40. 
SLANDERS AGAINST JOHN A. COLLINS, 



" When I see siicli games 
flio rroatiires of a Pow'r who swears 

■ill ju.l-r thr r:\v\U, mid call the fool 



Dissolve ill pity,." CowPER. 

Neither the American Antl-Slavcry Society, nor its representative in tills 
country, iiave anything to conceal. Their jjroceedings have been thus far, and 
it is to be hoped will be, in future, open, frank, and manly. It is by such means, 
that the enemies of " Old organization" are compelled to prosecute their work 
of destruction, under cover of darkness, by privately retailing falsehood and 
calumnies j therefore, a place is given to the following official document from 
the Massachusetts Abolition Society, and extracts from that Society's official 
organ, the Massaclnisetts AhoJUionist, and forwarded to the London Com- 
mittee. These have been lithographed, and privately sent to the prominent and 
influential Abolitionists in Britain: — 

" Office of the Massachusetts Abolition Society, 
Boston, Feb. 1, 1841. 
" To the Executive Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 

" Gentlemen, — At a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Massachusetts 
Abolition Society, held at their Rooms, No. 32, Washington Street, this morn- 
ing, the following preamble and resolutions were passed : — . 

" Whereas, since the World's (!) Anti-Slavery Convention, held in June, 1840, 
in London, the leading journals of the Old organization Anti-Slavery Societies 
have busily attempted to traduce the characters of our transatlantic coadjutors, 
and particularly the London Committee, by affirming, that they had rather 
trust the Anti-Slavery cause in the hands of our pro-Slavery mobs than in the 
hands of the London Committee ; (1)* and whereas, other sentiments of a similar 
character have been published in the newspapers, professedly or virtually the 
organs of said Societies ; and whereas, the same bodies which have taken the 
above groimd, and never, to our knowledge, retraced their steps, have dele- 
gated John A. Collins to England, to solicit funds to sustain said Old organ- 
ization ; and whereas, we are informed that said Collins has made application 
for funds to the London Committee, and others, whose abolition character they 
have thus traduced ; therefore, 

"Resolved, — That, in the opinion of this Committee, John A. Collins, and a 
majority of those he represents, are not entitled to the confidence or support of 
our English friends. 

" Resolved, — That, in the opinion of this Committee, the money contributed to 
sustain the ' Old organization' in this country, will be wasted in the vain at- 
tempts to put down ' New organization !' (-2) they having taken the ground that 
' New organization' is the worst form of Slavery, and tlieir first business is to 
]'ut it down. 

" Resolved, — That the representations made I)y the Rev. Nathaniel Colver to 
Joseph Sturge, Esq., in regard to John A. Collins are, in our opinion, entitled to 
yuur entire confidence! ! 

" A true copy from the Records, attested, 

"JOSEPH W. ALDEN, Rcc. Sec" 

* The tigures 1, 2, 3, and 6, refer to notes coniiiieiRing on page 61-. 



64> 

" J. H. Tredgold, Esq. 

*' Dear Sir, — Enclosed you have the action of the Executive Committee of the 
Massachusetts Abolition Society, in rcg-ard to Jolui Collins' letters, John A. 
Collins, &c. &c. In regard to tlic Anti- Sabbath Convention, alluded to in the 
Rev, Mr Colver's letter, permit me to say that Rev. A. A. Phelps has written 
out his argument delivered at that Convention, and, as the Garrison party refuse 
to publish the doings of that body, ho has added an Appendix, in -which he 
quotes some of the infidelity of tlio Convention, (3). 

" This will be published in a few days, and, when published, vcc will scud 30U 
a copy, that you may judge for yourselves. 

" Yours, for the Slave, 

"J. W. ALDi-N." 



From the Massachusetts Abolitionist, Januari/ ^fh, 1841. 

"JOHN A, COLLINS. 

" One i)iece of this man's knavery we will put on record, premising that it 
is of a piece with his whole history. His barefaced forgery of some pre- 
tended extracts of letters (4) in ' Mrs Chapman's Right and Wrong in Ma.ssa- 
eluisetts,' is a small matter compared with other deeds. But to the facts. 
Jolin A. Collins collected about 100 dollars in Hatfield, Massachusetts, nearly 
two years ago. It was collected by liim on tlie express condition that it was to 
be paid over to the American Anti- Slavery Society (5) — not to the Massachusetts 
Society, — with the proceedings of which the donors of the money were dissatis- 
fied (6). The money was never paid to the American Society. Subsequent to 
the formation of tlie Massachusetts Abolition Society, the donors of most of the 
money, learning Collins' unfaitlifulncss, gave directions that lie should pay it 
over to the new Society's Treasurer. It was not done. The donors then 
authorized the representative of Hatfield in the General Court last winter to 
get the money of Collins, and pay it over to the Abolition Society. Ho tried 
very often — was put off with various excuses : ' will attend to it to-morrow' — (7) 
* our board meets to-day, and then it shall be seen to' — and so on. Cut no 
satisfaction could be obtained. Subsequently, Mr Brackett, the Treasurer, re- 
ceived a written order, from the donors of the money, to pay it over to him. 
Promises of ' I will attend to it to-morrow,' (8) were all he could obtain. But 
the day or two before his departure to England, for his health and otlier causes, 
Collins acknowledged that the money ouglit to be paid, and should be, but went 
off without doing it, (9). The whole matter was subsequently laid before the 
Board of the old Society. Mr Garrison and this Board had never all this Avhiic 
heard a word of the matter. (!) They probably never heard of the money citlier. 
They believe it does not appear in their receipts ; but, like lionourable men, tiiey 
have just paid it over to Mr Brackett, (10). So much for the facts. Now, will that 
Board do their duty, and cast off tliis agent who has so long- owed his cliaractcr 
for honesty to the forbearance of others — or must his loathsome history be 
brought more fully into view ? We forbore formerly, for the sake of his wife 
now happily gone from a world where she suffered so much, (11). But now the 
day of reckoning has come. Tlie good men, (12) who have been the objects of 
his abuse, ever since the day wlien he came as a si>y, willi falsehood on his lips, 
to our house in Salem, shall suffer from him no more. We wait to see if those 
honourable men. Jackson, Loring, Sewall, and Basselt, v.ill [jublicly withdraw 
confidence from liim, and recall whatever credentials he may have to our friends 
in England, wliere ' the state of his liealtii' decs not hinder liim from dcceiviyg 
' the Peases,' and perhaps others, with his vile slanders. We cannot doubt tiiat 
they will do so promptly, and save us the pain of a further cx[)osure (!) of the 
shame of tlie Anti-Slavery cause from their countenance to sucli a liiaii." 

" CcLMXs HEARD F150M BY AUTHORITY Tlic cbjcct iu crossuig the Atlaulic 

ii partly on account of his health, and partly in couiicxiun vvith the Auti-Slavcry 



65 

cause; ami we trust tliat his missiou will not be in vain. In due time, the 
facts in relation to it will be laid before the public." — Lihcrdfor. 

" Editor's Remark.— Wc did hope this devoted knave would have been 
suffered to remain without any attempt to bolster him up. But he shall soon be 
exposed, aud tliat effectually. When such a man is needed as a tool, there's 
sometliin,!^ rotten in the state of the Society that needs him." 

" John A. Collins — A trivial error occurs in our notice of this man last 
week. The Hatfield money was collected by one Duryce, and paid over to 
Collins. We presume the old Society's Treasurer never received tlie money 
at all (! !) — we Avait to learn." — Massachusetts Abolitionist, Ju)iuari/ \Ath. 

"John A. Collins — Mr Garrison says it is a sufficient reply to our brief ex- 
posure of this man's swindling-! that the account was written by Charles T. Torrey, 
and talks about the ' almost fiendish ' spirit we exhibit. All we have to say is, 
tliat the written evidence of every fact stated is in the possession of T. Brackett, 
Fulton Street, Boston, and may be seen by any one interested. And further, 
Mr Garrison knew this when he assaulted us. This attempt to sustain a bad 
man v.'ill recoil upon him. Our object in exposing- him was to deprive him of 
the power of imposing- on others, here or elsewhere." — Massachusetts Abolition- 
ist, Junuarij 21.s;. 

Such base and underhand measures as these, disgraceful even to the veriest 
])(>litician, necessarily resorted to by the seceders to sustain their position, will 
reveal the design, spirit, and influence of the " New Organizationists" in America, 
more clearly than anything that can be said by me. They give a faint idea of 
their hopeless and unhappy position. Life will not loose its grasp without a 
struggle. These must be the dying throes of the party. Having failed, in their 
artful attempt, to get possession of the Anti-Slavery enterprise, they then sought 
to destroy the Societies which wouhl not follow them, by exciting the religious 
jirejudiccs of the people and by urging false objections against them ; but having 
been foiled in this attempt also, they are now forced, as the last and only expedi- 
ent, basely to assault individual character. To destroy my influence in this 
country as the representative of the American Anti- Slavery Society, advantage 
is taken of my absence from home to throw suspicion, in Great Ikitain, upon 
my character, by the fabrication of falsehoods adapted to answer a temporary 
purpose. The Rev. Charles T. Torrey and the Rev. Nathaniel Colvor, 
both know that my religious principles will not allow me to bring them be- 
fore a human tribunal, there to ans^ver for their calumnies. 

"The man that dares tradncc, bccnnso lie can 
111 safety to himself, is not a man." 

Wliore I am known, a denial of these charges and insinuations is uncalled for, 
and it may be of little use for a stranger to ter-tify in his own favour. I do 
solemnly affirm, however, that all the charges and implications contained in these 
extracts against my character, are untrue, and have not the least found.-uion in fact ; 
but are designed, through me, to stab the Society I represent. How desperate 
must their cause be v,'hen such disgraceful measures are necessary to sustain it ! Is 
it wortliy to bo considered a moral cause ? ^Vould honourable and high-mind(;d 
men knowingly condescend to become parties to sucli scurrilous proceedings? 
Can they expect thus to divert the public mind from the gross acts of injustice 
towards the American Anti-Slavery Society in the transfer of the Emanc'ipntor,. 
its organ, and otiier similar doings ? What if all, imjdied in these extracts, be 
true, as regards myself? Does it prove anything against the Society 1 represent, 
more than that its Committee were grossly deceived in the selection of their 
Delegate ? Does it prove that the American Society, or its present honour- 
able Committee, have pilfered the -Vnti-Slavcry public, and, witli their ill 
gotten gain, are sustaining in this country an Agent to traduce and calumniate 
those thiiy had plundered ? 

I would appeal to the good judgment and common sense of every cnliglifened 
Briton, if it can be supposed, for a moment, tliat tliose noble auVl pious men, 
who liead the cause in America, Avould rccouuncnd a man wlioin tliey knew, 
or even suspected to be dishonest. 



66 

My credentials from the American Anti-Slavery Society, which, on account of 
their length, cannot be inserted here, close in the following language ; — 

" We commend our friend and representative, John A. Collins, to your confidence 
and liberality. He has s;icriticod and laboured much in the cause, and is unsurpassed 
for his zeal and devotednoss to it. Whatever is done, must be done quickly. Invok- 
ing the benediction of heaven upon his mission, 

" Vt'e remain, 
" Yours, in the cause of bleeding humanity, 
"JAMES S. GIBBONS, 
" Chairman of the Executive Committee of the 
American Anti-Slaverij Society. 
"Charles Marriott, Secij. 

" New York, Sept. loth, 1840." 

The following Preamble and Resolutions are from the Board of Managers of 
the Massachussctts Anti-Slavery Society : — 

" Boston, Sept. 30, 1840. 

"At a Mectinf? of the Board of MauDfjcrs of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery 
Society, held this day, the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously 
adopted ; — 

" Whereas, it havino; been deemed necessary by the Executive Committee of the 
American Anti-Slavery Society, in the present exigency of our cause, to depute John 
A. Collins, (now a member of this Board, and General Agent of the Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery Society,) to visit England, in order to obtain such aid for the Parent 
Society, as the Friends of Negro Emancipation in that country may be disposed to 
contribute. 

" llesolved. That we cordially approve of the course they have thus thought pro- 
per to adopt, believing that it is warranted by the necessities of the Parent Society, 
and trusting that it will be liberally sustained by our brethren on the other side of the 
Atlantic. 

" Resolved, That we heartily concur in the appointment of our brother, John A. 
Collins, and commend him to the confidence and liberality of all who desire the ex- 
tinction of N^gro Slavery Universally, as one who has rendered essential service to 
the Anti-Slaveiw cause in this country. 

" Resolved, That for the overthrow of any great moral evil in the world, people of 
every clime and nation may lawfully combine ; and therefore, the friends of Univer- 
sal Emancipation in England, may properly assist us by their contributions, their 
prayers, and their influence. 

" FRANCIS JACKSON, President. 
" Wji, Lloyd Garrison, Tor. Secy." 

After these slanders appeared in the Massachusetts Abolitionist, of January 
7th, 1841, the Board of Managers of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, 
having, through a Committee, investigated the grounds of the charges, passed 
the following Preamble and Resolutions, on the 25th of January, 1841 : 

" At a meeting of the Board of Managers of the INIassachusetts Anti-Slavery 
Society, held at the Society's Room, 25, Cornhill, on Monday, the 25th Januar}', 
1841, the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted : 

" Whereas, this Board has recently seen in the official organ of the Massachusetts 
Abolition Society, certain charges or insinuations intended to implicate the integ- 
rity of our respected brother, John A. Coiaass; and whereas this Board has, 
through two of its members, investigated and ascertained the groundless character 
of the charges or insinuations aforesaid ; and whereas, similar charges have been 
made against him in other quarters for the same purpose, and obviously meant to 
destroy his influence among our Anti-Slavery brethren in Great Britain, with 
whom he is now residing on an important and responsible mission from the 
American Anti-Slavery Society ; therefore, 

"Resolved, That this Board hereby expresses its full and unimpaired trust in 
the integrity and faithfulness of our brother, John A. Collins, and recommend 
him to the respect and confidence of the friends of Emancipation universally. 



" Ordered, That a copy of the forog-oing resolutions bo furwanlod, by tlie Corres- 
ponding' Secretary of the Society, to the Secretary of the London Committee of 
the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 

"FRANCIS JACKSON, Prcs. 

" Wm. Llotd Garrison, Cor. Sec." 

At the Ninth Annual Meeting- of the Massachusetts Anti- Slavery Sociefy, 
held in Boston, January 27th and '28th, 18-11, the following Resolution was 
adopted : — 

"Resolved, That tins Socioty rorrivrds, wU.li imlignation, the insimiations iwA slaii- 
ders rcsjjectnis the cluiructcr of its (ioncral Ai^cnt, Joliu A. Collins, inid \iiion its 
Corresponding Secretary, \Villi:iui Lloyd (Jarrison, contained in tlie foliowin;,' cNtiiuis 
of letters written by the Rev. N. Colver, and sei;t by him to Gn-at Hritaiii ; an I ^]r^t 
those insinuations and slanders furnisli aacjther illustration of the spirit of New or- 
ganization—a spirit alike unscrupulous and unprincipled."— ('>.>(> t'u/i:cr\i Julnti.is, 
pages 45, 46.) 

The following is extracted from the Annual Report of the PJassacliusclts 
Anti-Slavery Society, of 1841 : — 

" Of the industry, perseverance, energy, and devotedness of Mr Collins. i;i Ihe \\a- 
spcution of his lalxmrs, the Board would speak in terms of comniciulati(,ri. In Hi,' 
atlUctiujj; Ijereaveuicnt which he has been called to suffer by the snddcu (Uath ol liis 
wile aud child, they deeply sympathize. By his arduous efforts, be had so scriou-iy 
iuiliaired his own health as to be almost wlu)lly disabled from sustaining the rospou"- 
sil)ilities of his agency; and it was therefore deemed advisable for liim to make a 
traTisatlantic voyage, in order, if jjossible, to recruit his sliattered coTistitution. Ac- 
cordingly, with the unanimous advice and consent of the Board, and also sii]i])liod 
with letters of recommendation from them and the Executive Conuniltoc ot tbr .:\.uic- 
rican Anti-Slavery Society to the friends of Emancipation in (ircat JJritain, Mr 
Collins sailed from New York for London, in the British Queen, on the 1st of October. 
News of his safe arrival has been received ; but the Board regret to state, that liis 
health does not appear to have been benefited by the voyage. In connexion 
with his absence in quest of physical^ restoration, "he was deputed to act, as far 
as his strength would permit, in behalf of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and 
to obtain for it such pecuniary and other assistance as the Anti-Slavery public in 
Great Britain might be disposed to contribute. From the intelligence communicated 
in his letters, it appears that he is not likely to succeed, to any considerable extent, on 
the score of pecimiury aid, owing to various causes ; Imt especiallj^ to the fact, that the 
virus of 'New organization' has poisoned the minds of the leading Abolitionists in 
that country, and led them to regard with distrust those Societies in the United 
Stat(^s, which, as they suppose, have other objects in view, than the Abolition of 
Sbi very. They have been grossly imj)Osed upon liy the same falsehoods aud cahimnies 
whicli have been circulated so industriously on onr own shores against the Parent 
Society and its Anxtliaries ; and, if they are animated by the generous and catholic 
spirit "which should mark an enterprise like ours, it is only necessary for them to 
be I'urnished with all the facts in the case, to see and repudiate the error into wliich 
they have been led. AS HONEST AND IMPARTIAL MEN, THEY ARE BOUND 
TO HEAR ALL SIDES BKFORE THEY MAKE UP THEIR VERDICT. THIS 
DISPOSITION, THE BOARD RECiRKT TO STA I E, THEY HAVE NOT, AS 
Y1:T, been DISPOSED TO MANIFEST." 

It is certainlj^ very astonishing that these alleged crimes, committed two years 
since, had not been made public previous to my departure for this country, as I 
was, during that time, daily exposing the subtlety, duplicity, and rottenness of 
" New organization." 

But to the extracts:— 

1. " Til fit they had rather trust the Aiiti-Siiiveri/ cause in the hands of our pro- 
iSlaccr,: ynob, than in the hands of the London Coinmittee S' 

The sentence here quoted, is the declaration of butonc individual. How many 
there are wlio are ready to endorse it, I am unable to say. No Society in 
Ameri-a, hov/cver, has officially expressed a similar sentiment. There are but 
vi>i-y few Abolitionists there, I am confident, who would be willing to make use 
of this language without some qualifications or explanations. Isolated, the sentence 
conveys, no doubt, a very different impression from that designed by the writer. 
His idea was, if I mistake not, that the London Conmiittee had given the strong- 
est evidence by their act;, that they could not, in the United States, stand erect 



68 

before the all-pervading influence of Slavery, nor in this country, stand by those 
American Abolitionists who were boldly and unflinchingly combatting the monster 
upon its own soil, and hence, in America, more to be dreaded than a pro- 
Slavery mob. i\jiti-Slax£i:yJu ,.Grcat Br itaiiu-is-a-uAdQn.i1 yirtne. — So lnng.iis it 
_js kept in this co untry it. j|YilIj:£iriaIu-igae-. It requires no sacrifice of reputation to 
denounce Slaverj^ or to advocate the principles of ?>ogro Emancipation, which 
are fellovf-shipped by the lower classes, advocated by the higlier circles, and clad 
ill the robes of royalty. In America, it is (paite ditlerent. Slavery is a national 
sin. All classes of society have a supposed interest in its continuance. The ad- 
vocates for Emancipation are subjected to insult, proscription, mob-law, and 
murder. So powerful is the pro-Slavery spirit in America, that every Abolitionist 
from this country, with but four or five exceptions, has been unable to stand before 
it. They have not only shunned the Abolitionists Avith the instinctive dread of a 
Slave-holder, but what is actually worse, counselled with their enemies. All 
their opposition to Slavery, if they expressed any, was rendered powerless by 
their opposing or dodging the Emancipationists. Such Anti-Slavery, when the 
Slave-holders understand it, will be above par with them. It will not disturb 
their inglorious quiet. It can never abolish American Slavery. The power of 
the Anti-Slavery cause in the United States, lies in its principles. Give way one 
iota to propitiate the spirit of Slavery, and the cause is gone. The Seceders in 
America have quailed before this spirit, and at its fiat, have commenced a war of 
extermination against effective Anti-Slavery — modified their tone of denunciation 
against the apologists for this wicked system, and in order further to propitiate 
this spirit, they have endeavoured to cast out the women, Avho have been the life- 
blood of the cause, and are now using all their energies to silence the noble 
Garrison. The next demand which Slavery will make, will be that Slavery shall 
not always be considered sinful. For peace, this last point must be yielded. The 
London Committee have entered into copartnership with tlie Seceding party, and 
are humbly striving to imitate its example. Again, — at the instance of this 
same party, the Committee endeavoured to influence the General Convention 
in London, to disgrace the American, the largest Anti-Slavery Society in the 
world, before the American Slave-holders, to refuse a portion of its delegates 
admission, to choke down free discussion, and to cap the climax of injustice, to 
imitate the American pro-Slavery Congress, by throwing a respectful protest 
upon the table, as that body docs the petitions of Abolitionists. In the United 
States, these acts of this Committee, among opponents and timid friends, pass 
for genuine Anti-Slavery. To the Slave-holder, any thing is reasonable 
Abolition, which will divert the friends of the Negro from the main question, 
or cast reproach upon the Anti-Slavery character of William Lloyd (iarrison 
and his coadjutors. Anti-Slavery sickens in consequence of these compromisings 
and backslidings. In the language of Jiliss Martineau, " Those who are not 
with the thorough-going are necessarily against them." There is no trouble in 
identifying a pro-Slavery mob, with Slavery itself. It makes no pretention to 
an Anti-Slavery character. 15y its influence the sympathies of the just are excited, 
and by its moans thousands have enrolled themselves under the banner of freedom. 
Hence the cause of the American Slave, in tlie estimation of the writer of the 
sentence which heads these notes, would be more safe in the hands of a pro- 
Slavery mob, than in the hands of the " New organized" London Committee. 
" 'Tis true, ail open foe may prove a cur.«e, 
But a cowardly friend is ten times worse." 

If I may be allowed, from my own experience, to speak of the London Coiii- 
mittec, I would say, that the open attacks of a pro-Slavery mob, are far preferable 
to the under-hand secret maiKL-uverings of this Committee, to defeat the object 
of my mission through the destruction of my character. 

It is grossly libellous to assert, that the friends of " old organization" have 
traduced the Abolitionists of this country. If all the eulogies and praiseworthy 
sayings, with respect to them, Avhich have been printed in the " old organization" 
journals were collected and published, they Avould make quite a respectable 
library. While some have spoken freely upon the all-pervading Anti-Slavery 
feeling of the couulry, and tlie good tliat has been and will be accomplished for 
the Negro, tliey have also taken the liberty to speak of the nature, influence, and 
defects of British Abolition. 



()9 

But. vvliat has this to do witli the merits of the Scceilers ? Wliy this attempt 
to eet a now objection ? Their only oilicial reason assig'ncd for separating, was 
bocaiiso the American Society had committed itself to the " Woman's Rights," 
and " Non-resistance" questions. On account of this committal, tliey were "com- 
pelled for the sake of peace and the poor Slave," to new organize. Unable to 
niauiLaiu their position as to the cause of the secession, they are now " compelled 
i'ur the sake of ]jeace and the jioor Slave," to follow tlie American Society to this 
country, and with the same spirit of extermination which characterizes them at 
home, now appeal to personal feelings to excite jealousy and opposition. 

2. " Will he wasted ia the vain attempt to put down 'new orf/anization.' " 

This is certainly a very novel reason why " Old organization" should not be 
sustained. If Colonization, or even Slavery itself, had thought that they could 
have dissuaded British Abolitionists from aiding the American Anti-Slavery 
Society, they would, no doubt, have followed me to this country with a similar 
remonstrance. Time was when Colonization urged the very same reasons in 
Britain, why money should not be contributed to sustain the Anti- Slavery cause 
in America. But this handmaid to Slavery, unable longer to deceive British 
Abolitionists, is snnnnoued home, and Slavery commissions a new body to per- 
form its work, and the better to etfect its unholy and secret purpose, attires it in 
the robes of freedom. 

" To destroy new organizati(ju." — Hero is the rub. This organization is an 
attack upon the Anti-Slavery enterprise, and its leaders know it. Abolitionists 
have never been able to make a direct assault upon the conscience of the Slave- 
holder, in consequence of the war which northern pro-Slavery, under various mo- 
difications, from "mob-law," "American Union," " Clerical appeal," up to "New 
organization," (Jtecping pace with the advanced state of public opinion,) have 
made against the American Anti-Slavery Society. Every succeeding associa- 
tion, from the commencement of the Anti-Slavery warfare, has assumed more of 
an abolition character than its predecessor, and hence more subtle and dangerous. 
The " New" is a direct war of extermination upon " Old organization," which 
acts only upon the defensive. Its " attempt to put down New organization," will 
consist in proving the charges officially assigned by them for their secession, to 
be entirely false. 

" Having taken the ground that ' New organization' is the worst form of 
Slavery." — This association is in the attitude of the man who cries, " stop 
thief," that he may make off with the stolen goods under the cover of 
that cry. It is " New organization which is waging a war of extermination 
against the " Old Society." Read a very few of its official declarations. It 
asserts that Old organization has been " perverted to purposes and objects, not 
contemplated in our bond of union, — foreign to our original objects, not neces- 
sary to their attainment, and in view of the retlecting, FATAL to our jrrospccts 
of ultimate success ;" that in refusing to eject a portion of its most effective 
members, it has been guilty of "a violation of good faith ;" that it has attached 
to the cause " « mill-stone to sink to the depths of a bottomless ocean, the hopes 
of enslaved millions r that "it has made a distinct and delii4ERAte sacrifice 
of PKiNcirLES ;" and that it is "fully identified with the sectarian views of a 
few of its individual members," &c., &c. The official organ of the " New or- 
ganization," declares, "that it (the Old Society,) has endorsed the doctrines of 
Non-resistance, and poured contempt upon the old constitutional measures of 
Abolitionism; that "the Old Societi/ stands in a position fatal to accotnplish- 
?nent,'" and is "governed by the element of non-resistance," to the "entire pros- 
tration of its strength," &c., &e. Now, if these allegations, against " Old 
organization" are true, " New organization" is solemnly bound to put forth every 
effort for its immediate annihilation. If this is not accomplished, it will not be 
because the Seceders have been scrupulous in the use of means, the most base 
and disgraceful. But the very moment "Old organization" sets up a defence 
against their tissue of absurdities, misrepresentations, and calumnies, obviously 
invented for bad purposes, to gratify sectarian pride, and to propitiate tlie pro- 
Slavery party, a cry is raised at once, it is an "attempt to put down 'New 
organization.' " 

The American Anti-Slavery Society has been sustained at an annual expense 



70 

of from 40 to 50,000 dollars. To raise this sum, in addition to the heavy ex- 
penditures of the diiferent state and local auxiliaries, Abolitionists have been called 
upon to make great sacrifices. " New org-anizatiou" must show to the Abolition- 
ists some valid reasons why the country should be saddled with the expense of a 
double set of machinery. In proportion as they can make it appear that the 
Old Society "has made a distinct ««fZ deliberate sacrifice of principles,'' they 
will secure their confidence. Thus the seceders traverse the length and breadth 
of the free States, exciting the prejudices of the people, ignorant of the real facts 
of the case, and by this, endeavour to alienate the auxiliaries of the American 
Anti- Slavery Society, and they can succeed only in so far as they are able to 
make this appear. Thus arrayed in the attitude of hostility, one or the 
other of these Societies must be in the wrong; — one is genuine, the other 
spurious ; — one is loyal, the other schismatical. If they were united in spirit, 
they would not be divided in action. 

3. " In which he quotes some of the infidelity of the Convention.'''' 

So it appears the London Committee has constituted itself a heresy-hunting 
branch of the American Seceders. 

4. "His barefaced forgery of some pretended extracts of letters" 

Mr Torrey, when he penned this, implicating me in forgery, knew that he could 
not sustain the charge with the least shadow of proof. He was fully and 
publicly convicted as the author of the letter referred to, by the strongest evi- 
dence, nearly two years since. It is quite remarkable, that all of a sudden he 
should select me out as the object of his abuse. The history of this letter will be 
briefly related : — 

In December, 1838, Rev. P. C. Pettibone, then a fellow-student with myself, 
in the Theological Seminary at Andover, received a confidential letter from this 
Rev. Mr Torrey, revealing a deep-laid plot, (a part of which will be found in the 
certificate given below,J by which the Liberator was to be destroyed. Garrison's 
influence weakened, and the cause transferred into the hands of the clergy. Mr 
Pettibone exhibited the letter to the Rev. E. C. Smith, his room-mate. Rev. W. 
R. Chapman, his class-mate, myself, and to other six or seven of his particular 
friends. Mr Smith, at this time, deeply sympathised with Mr Torrey. Mr 
Pettibone had previously acted as an Anti-Slavery agent under Mr Torrey, who 
felt that he had secured his confidence. I lost no time in exposing this man- 
CEuvre to Mr Garrison and others, who placed Mr Torrey and his fellow-conspir- 
ators in no very enviable position, before the Anti-Slavery public. 

In the spring of 1839, Mrs Chapman embodied a part of the letter in a history 
of this conspiracy, which greatly enlightened the Abolitionists, with respect to 
the spirit and object of the new organizers. Mr Torrey, knowing that Mr 
Pettibone had lost the letter, endeavoured to exonerate himself from the disgrace 
of writing it, and to throw discredit upon this valuable work, by denying its 
authorship, and on the l'2th of Nov., 1839, wrote to her for the letter, to which 
she replied, through the Liberator, as follows : — 

" Boston, Nov. 22d, 1839. 
"Rev. Charles T. Torkey, 

" Sir, — In reply to your letter of Nov. 12th, this day received, requesting in- 
formation respecting the letter alluded to in ' Right and Wrong in Massachusetts,' 
pp. 59 and 67, I enclose a copy of a certificate as to its contents, signed by the 
gentleman to whom you addressed it, and by two gentlemen to whom, among 
others, he communicated it ; which, before I wrote thf.t book, I deemed it proper 
to have. In giving me to understand that you have publicly denied Avriting such 
a letter, you furnish me with the proper ground on which to publish this 
certificate. — I am, yours faithfully, 

"MARIA WESTON CHAPMAN." 

Certificate. 

The following is the substance of Mr Torrey's letter : — 

" Charles T. Torrey wrote to P. C;. Pettibone last December, stating that 
Garrison had a great deal of influence in this Slate, and hence it would not be 
safe to attack him or tiie Liberator openly. Wo needed a new paper: he had 
soimded the ministry tln-oughout tli;' State, and ihey were for it to a man. Now, 



71 

brotlier PetUbone, have on a full delegation at the annual meeting-, to come at 
10 o'clock, prepared to stay two days ; have them pledged to go for the new paper 
and spar the annual report, and we Avill show them how it is done, 

"P. C, PETTIBONE, 
(Signed,) "EZRA C. SMITH, 

"J. A. COLLINS." 

" The following note from Mr Pettibone, will explain the reason why Mr 
Torrey's letter to hint has not been published : — 

" Mrs Chapman, 

" The letter which I received from Charles T. Torrey, some time in the month 
of December last, to which reference is made in the Certificate, signed by myself. 
Smith, and Collins, has by some means been lost. I think the letter was in my 
possession, and that of some of my friends for about two weeks after its reception. 
I have searched my room repeatedly to find the communication, and have made 
diligent inquiry of those who saw and read it, and have not been able to lay my 
hands upon it, I have come to the conclusion, that the letter must have been ac- 
cidentally lost by some one who read it, or that by some means, it got among my 

papers, and was swept into the fire Very respectfully yours, 

"P. C. PETTIBONE." 
Mr Smith, in a letter to Mrs Chapman, of December 3d, 1839, says,^ 
" I saw aud read the letter which Mr Torrey wrote to P. C. Pettibone in December 
last, the substance of which is contained in the certificate. I would add, furthermore, 
tliat Mr Torrey came to my room in the nuuitli of August preceding, and then stated 
fiiat a new Anti-Slavery paper was conteniidated. Speaking of the Liberator^ he said, 
• That paper is too bad.' ' 

I would add, that Mrs Chapman has now in her possession the written testi- 
mony of six or seven imimpeachable witnesses, stating- that they saw this letter 
from i\Ir Torrey. With all my heart, I pity the man who can thus maliciously, 
•ssithout the semblance of a cause, attempt to murder the reputation of another. 

5. " It (the money,) was collected hij him on the express condition to he sent to the 
American Societi/.'" 
This characteristic charge is as false as the heart of the man Avho indited it 
I never was in Hatfield. The money referred to was collected by IMr J. G. 
Dnryee. All I had to do with it, directly or indirectly, was simply to un- 
seal the letter from Mr Duryee containing it, and to pass it over to H. G. 
Chapman, Esq., Treasurer of the Massachusetts Anti- Slavery Society. Who- 
ever will take tlio trouble to look into the Liberator of October 25th, 1839. 
will find iNIr Duryec's collection in the Treasurer's acknowledgment of monies 
reiteived, — which paper is in the possession of Joseph Pease, Sen., Darlington. 

G. " With the proceedings of which the donors of the money were dissatisfied," 

Will Mr Torrey please to inform his readers how they became dissatisfied? 
Was it not occasioned by the false statements of himself and coadjutors indus- 
triously circulated against the Old Society with a view to its destruction, and 
ujjon its ruins to build up their " New Organization ?" But 
" lucidis Scyllam cupiens vitare Charibdim." 
7. " Was put off with various excuses : — ' I will attend to it to-morrow.'' " 
In the summer of 1839, subsequent to the formation of the " Massachusetts 
Abolition Society," J. G. Duryee was commissioned, by the Board of Managers 
of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, an agent "to solicit funds, to enable 
the Board to liquidate a debt just occasioned by the payment of a pledge of 
10,000 dollars made the year previous to the American Anti-Slavery Society. 
Mr t)uryee collected 167 dollars, 91 cents ; 8G dollars of which, he informed me 
by letter, was to redeem the pledge to the American Anti- Slavery Society. As 
the Board was under no pledge to that Society, and as he was expressly com- 
missioned to solicit funds to enable the Society to jiay its debts, tlie Treasurer 
and myself took it for granted that Mr Duryee had made it appear to the donors 
that the debt was occasioned by the redemption of this jjledgc ; and therefore, 
they wished their money to be considered as their part of the ])ledge. In 
process of time, however, I learned from Mr Duryee that he had collected the 



72 

amount for the redemption of a pledge of 5000 dollars, which he was erroneously 
im])rossed had been made to the National Society. 

The gentleman from Hatfield, referred to by Air Torrey, called upon me, and 
requested that the money should either be paid to the American Society, or re- 
funded to the donors. Mis calls were frequent. Ho was informed, that the 
subject should be subinitted to tlia Board at its first meeting- for their decision, 
as to whether the money sliould bo paid over to the American Society or 
refunded. At the day of the meeting, a quorum was not present, but the mem- 
bers to whom I made known the facts, were of opinion that the eighty-six dollars 
should be returned to the donors. Business called me from the city, and before 
my return the good man had gone home, and consequently the aftair remained 
unsettled. 

8. " I iciH. attend to it to-morrow, icas all he could obtain.'''' 

This is untrue. I distinctly informed Mr Brackett, that as soon as the Society 
had the ability, the money should be paid. I also informed him, that I was not 
personally responsible for its payment. 

At this time, Mr King, one of the Committee of the " New organization," 
had been for some time in arrears to the " Old Society" for nearly one hundred 
dollars. As Mr Brackett owed this gentleman, it was my design to have I\Ir 
King pay the amount to him. This arrangement, Messrs. King and Brackett 
intimated to Mr Bishop, the Clerk in the office of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery 
Society, that they should be Avilling to make. 

9. "But icent off without doing it." 

This is false. The day previous to my sailing, I called upon Messrs. King and 
Brackett, and each consented to make the arrangement, by which Mr Brackett 
was to look to Mr King to whom he was in debt for the amount the " Old So- 
ciety" was in arrears to him. As my haste did not permit me to go through tlie 
formality of passing receipts, the Seceders taking advantage of this circumstance, 
have endeavoured to convert the aftair into " New organization" capital. 

10. " Sut like honourable men, they have just paid it over to Mr Brackett." 

How "Mr Brackett," "like" an "honourable" man, could have received the 
money from these men, after the arrangements made with me, I will leave the 
reader to judge for himself. 

11." Now happily gone from a world where she suffered so much." 

This cruel and assassinating thrust is craftily indefinite. It may mean one 
thing, or it may be forced to mean another. The idea which this calumniator 
designed to convey, must however, be obvious. From this it appears, that one 
of the objects embodied in the principles of " New oi-ganizatlon" benevolence, is 
to exercise a parental supervision over the domestic affiairs of Abolitionists. The 
Societies I have the honour to represent, have been negligent in prosecuting 
this department of Anti-Slavery labour. 

So wide, however, is this matter from the question of Slavery, that the reader 
cannot reasonably expect from me a chapter on household affiairs, whenever any 
malignant, envious, jealous, or ill-disposed person, may be inclined to drag me 
before the Anti-Slavery public. I will, therefore, dismiss this most painful 
part of the subject, by assuz-ing him that this malicious insinuation is perfectly in 
keeping with the whole production. 

12. " The good men icho hare been the objects of his abuse," Sfc. 

The "good men" referred to, are the Rev. Charles T. Torrey and his fellow 

conspirators against the peace and efficiency of the Anti-Slavery enterprise. 

What this reviler means when he speaks of " a spy," and " our house in 
Salem," I certainly am unable to imagine. I never was, to my recollection, in 
his house but once, and that was subsequent to the revelation of the conspiracy, 
of which this gentleman was one of the leaders, and its consequent defeat. 
Knowing as Mr Torrey did, and every one else who knew me, what were my 
views as to their abusive proceedings, I will leave it to the reader to judge for 
himself, how much of a spy I could have been. The spirit which dictated these 
extracts is the spirit of " New Organization." There are good men connected 
with it, but they do not know its object and influence. If they did, they would, 
I am confident, renounce all connexion with it at once. So close is its imitation 
to genuine abolition, that it almost "deceives the very elect." 



73 



CAPTAIN CHARLES STUART'S PRIVATE CIRCULAR. 

"In December, 1833, an Anti-Slavery Society was formed in the United States 
of North America. The demand for it was extreme ; for the Slave system of 
tlie United States was the most desperately corrnpt and ferocious which existed. 
The principles and objects of the Anti-Slavery Society thus formed were emi- 
nently excellent ; and the means which it adopted for the attainment of its glorious 
object were perfectly in kepj)ing', for t\\if. first four years, with its noble principles. 

'" But, in the course of 1807, nriv opinions began to be broached : and one of 
these gradually assumed the position, that 'whatever is morally right for a ymiu 
to do, is morally right for a woman to do ;' (1) and, therefore, women ought to be 
intruded, as delegates, debaters, and managers, into mixed Societies of men and 
women. 

" This insane innovation, at first, had so dubious a form, that its real character 
scarcely appeared ; but, as soon as this became evident, it was vigorously resisted. 
Resistance, however, only aggravated the zeal of its advocates ; and the neto 
truth, as they call it, quickly assumed sucli importance in their eyes, and was 
so oHensively intruded by them into all the proceedings of the Society, that tliey 
who conscientiously (2) resisted it had no alternative but to submit to it or to separ- 
ate themselves. I was one of the many who preferred the latter alternative with- 
out hesitation. The separation took place early in 1840; that of the leading 
Society in New York, in May, 1840. At the division on the question, the 
Iimovators were found the most numerous ; and, of course, the original name 
of ' The American Anti-Slavery Society' remained with them. But they who 
rejected the innovati(ni, having fewer votes present, took a new name, — ' The 
American and Forcii/n ^\nti- Slavery Society.' 

" The Abolitionists in the United States now consist of these two parties, toge- 
ther with a third, (0) separate from both — which, like the other two, pleads for 
immediate and thorough Emancipation, but which, from various motives, refuses 
to associate for that purpose. 

*' Under these circumstances, the American — or rvoman-intruding — Anti- Slavery 
Society sends Agents to this country, Messrs Collins and Remond, to beg our 
money. But let us remember that, whatever countenance we give to these gen- 
tlemen, in this agency, will go more directly to strengthen a pernicious party in 
the United States than to aid the general cause of Abolition (!) The errors of the 
advocates of justice are often more ruinous to righteousness than all the hostility 
of open enemies. By such aid Britain would be identified, as far as it goes, with 
the rhapsodists of the United States ; and the sacred and powerful intluence ex- 
ercised so nobly and so beneficially by the late London Convention, in decidedly 
and at once rejecting the woman-intruding delusion, would be paralysed or lost, 
— liberty would be wounded anew by the blunders of her friends, — while they 
who love her more sanely, and who plead her cause unentangled with the snare, 
would be enfeebled by the encouragement given to the dogmatism and delusions 
of their adversaries. 

" They who value the intrusion of women into the debates and management of 
mixed Societies more highly than the cause of liberty and love, will, of course, 
give their quotas to Mr Collijvs. With such I remonstrate not. But I am 
anxious that others should not be deceived : in giving him their money, they 
will rather impede than aid the general progress of Abolition ; because they 
will contribute to hold up the Abolition eff'ort as at war with the most sacred 
and fundamental of human relations — even with those relations, by which God 
has given to men and women their respective spheres, and by sacredly regarding- 
which alone, the vast moral power of women, with all its purifying influences, 
can be preserved to society. 

" I would say, with all respectfulness and affection, if we have anything to spare 
for the furtherance of freedom in the United States — and it is a cause icorthrj 
of all support — let us give it to those amongst the Abolitionists in the United 
States who harmonize with us, who pursue the same holy object on the same 
peaceful principles, and by the same sane means as we do, and who, since our 
General Convention in London, have given us the invaluable services of such 
men as Birney and Stanton : and not to those who, after making the most in- 
jurious discord in their own country, did their best to distract our Meeting, iu 

K 



74 

June ; who liave since been unsparing in grossly slandering us ; and who 
now send an Agent to ask our money for the American Anti-Slavery Society, — 
as if the American Anti-Slavery Society represented the great body of the 
Abolitionists of the United States, instead of a MINOR AND EVIL PART 
OF THEM, which is full of DOGMATISM and CONTENTION, (4.) 

" Any money remitted to Mr Lewis Tappan, Pearl Street, New York, for 
Abolition purposes, will be sure of direct and powerful application to the 
sacred cause of holy liberty and love, without partiality and without hypocrisy. 

"C. STUART." 

This defamatory printed circular, from Captain Charles Stuart, has been 
privatchj placed in the hands of those whose minds would bo, very naturall}^, 
disaffected with a body pursuing the course falsely attributed by this production, 
to the American Society. It is inserted here, that the reader may perceive the 
spirit of the seceders and their abettors, not only in the United States, but also 
in this country. All their energies are put forth, not to aM^aken a fresh zeal 
for the suffering cause of the oppressed bondman, but to cut off all the resources 
of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and hence to destroy it. Nothing will 
satisfy them, but its entire annihilation. Here no attempt is made to sustain his 
proposition, that the American Anti-Slavery Society, is a " woman-intruding 
Society" by proof; but naked assertion, characteristic of the seceders, is given in 
the place of facts and arguments. If all that is here urged against the Society 
be true, with regard to the action of women. Captain Stuart is certainly the last 
individual who would have been expected, by those formerly acquainted with 
him, to have objected to it on this ground. It is the Captain, not the American 
Society, which has introduced into the Anti-Slavery cause "new views." He has 
left his former position, and now wars against every one who does not come 
round to him. This gentleman was in the United States in 1837, when the 
Misses Grimke were lecturing, and no one at that time was more enthusiastic 
with regard to their labours, than himself. Many anecdotes, in relation to 
various efforts on his part, to bring women forward in the Anti-Slavery cause, 
not only in America, but in this country, might be given, but space will only per- 
mit the insertion of the following : — 

"In October, 1837, Captain CHARLES STUART met the Anti-Slavery 
Com mittee in Darlington. His object was to secure a delegation from that 
place , to attend an Anti- Slavery Congress which was to be held in London, on 
the 14th of November of the same year, for the purpose of concerting measures 
for the repeal of the Apprenticeship system. Captain Stuart again and again 
begged the Committee to send up a female delegate. ' If there be a lady.' he 
continued, ' who has the head and heart to represent you, I am sure she will be 
joyfully received, and they will thank heaven for sending her.' " — Miss Pease's 
Reminiscences. 

We shall append a few brief notes. And 

1 . " One of these gradually assumed the position that ivhatevcr is morally right for a man 
to do, is morally right for a ivo7nan to do." 

Captain Stuart, in introducing this borrowed sentence, has conveyed to the reader 
the talse impression that the American Anti-Slavery Society, in its zeal to promote 
its "new views" had declared, that " whatever is morally right for a man to do, is 
morally right for a woman to do." His motives, for doing this, are best known to him- 
self. He well knew, that these were the words of a female who advocated the religions 
and political equality of the sexes. He also must have been aware that no anti-sla- 
very society in America has ever endorsed any sentiment of the kind, and that the 
Seceders are the only individuals who have ever called upon anti-slavery societies, to 
entertain for a moment, " Woman's Rights," or any other "extraneous question." 
He might, with equal justice or propriety, have made a quotation from the writings 
of Lady Morgan, and then, from it, have drawn the conclusion that the American 
Society was a " Woman-intruding Anti-Slavery Society." 

2. " They loho conscientiously resisted it had 7iu alternative hut submit or separate." 

Will the captain be kind enough to inform us, in his next "printed circular," where 
his " conscience," and the " conscience" of his coadjutors was in 1837 ? He might in 
truth say with the poet : — 

" Tcmpora mutantur, et nos mutamur iu illis." 



3. " The Aholilwnisls now coHnint uj iltcsc tivo jmi-lics, iogclhcr with a third, who plead 
for 1 inmi'diatf I^initnci2)(ttio)i." ' 

That thorn are now, and ever have been, thos(> wlio would have identified them- 
selves with the Eiuaucijjationists, were it not for the odiura attached to their cause, or 
in consequence of their ignorance of the nature and iuflnonce of the (uiterjirise, there 
can be no doubt. If the Americans had not a sujiiiosed interest in slavery, they would 
all be Abolitionists, as no one loves oi)pression or shivery for its own sake.— That such 
however, constitute a "party," which" pleads for thunni;,'!) and hniiiediate Emancipa- 
tion," is a fact which American Aljolitionists are yi'tto learn iVoin Capt. Stuart. Fro- 
Slavery, under all its modified forms, has always clamorously niuintained lliat it was 
the only true and con.sistent friend of the slave, but that this should be ackiiowled-cd 
by a professedly uucompromisini? abolitionist, without havini;^ in view souic ulterior 
object, is truly astonishing. It has been the aim of the Seceders in America to secure 
the co-operation of the friends of "Old organization," to aid them in the ])rosecution 
of their undermining policy, without exciting opposition ; but when they fail to accom- 
plish this, so intent have they been upon the annihilation of the American Society, 
that they have had recourse to the most undignified measures to induce them to stand 
aloof from both Societies altogether. If the Seceders succeed, by their calumnies 
against " Old organization" in alineating the ccmfideuce of Anti-Slavery friends, to 
that e.vtent as to secure their co-operation, or to stand aloof from both Societies.— 
lueither case their op])osition to the American Society on the one hand, or their in- 
diiterence to the Anti-Slavery question on the other, is so great, that they may, with 
few exceptions, be ranked among the practical enemies of the Slave. 
4. " Instead of a minor and evil part of them, which is fall of dogmatism and contention.'" 

It would be very natural to .suppose, that the Captain, who so unsparingly lavi.she.s 
upon the Old Society and its friends, the epithets of " Insane" — " Innovators'' — 
" fVomen-intruding " — " Pernicious" — " lihapsodists" — " Delusions" — '• Doir)natisms" — 
"• yidvvrsaries" — '•* Evil part;/," Sec, would be willing to sustain such charges when 
called u])on to do so, but such is not the fact. On the 3d of March, 1841, the Com- 
mittee of the (ilasgow Emancipation Society, invited him " to meet them, for the pur- 
pose of defending the charges made by him against the American Anti-Slavery So- 
ciety, in his printed letter, which has been widely circulated through the country ; that 
defence, to be made in the presence of John A. Collins, and in the first instance before 
the Committee of the Glasgow Emancipation Society." 

The following extracts are from Mr Stuart's reply to the Committee, refusing to 
comply with its invitation : — 

" I am not aware that those charges need any defence. They are simple matters of 
fact, and rest on other grounds than on mjr affirmations, and I am not of opinion that 
truth becomes more true by mere repetition. • • But I do here, most un- 
equivocally, solemnly, and fully re-allirm their entire truthfulness (! !) 

" In Edinburgh, I ofl'ered Mr Collins to debate this question witli him round the 
kingdom, he then declined it, (1). I have since been satisfied, that I, at that time, 
greatly overrated his powers of mischief in the Abolition cause, amongst ns, (I !) so that 
I do not feel at all warranted, at present, in duty, to turn any jjortion of my time and 
means, from the direct service of God and my fellowmen, to the indulgence of irrele- 
vant, captious, and pernicious questions. 

' believe that my Circular has produced 



I trust and believe that my Circular has produced, in a good measure, the healing 
purifying eilect for which it was solemnly and kindly intended ; and it will be 
time enough for nic to undertake its defence, when [ find tliat my countrymen are far 



more astray from God and tlieir brother, and are far more given up to the pernicious 
intrusion of extraneous and distracting questions, than I believe them to be." 

To this letter, a remark or two must be appended ; and 

i. " 7m Edinburgh, I offered Mr Collins to debate this question tvith him round tfie 
kingdom." 

In November, 1840, I met the Anti-Slavery Committee in Edinburgh, at which Capt. 
Stuart was present. On being censured by some one for introducing the American 
divisions into this country, he remarked that he felt conscientiously bound to intro- 
duce tlKMo, the first thing, wherever he went. Declared that he was not afraid to 
discuss the subject— with Mr Uemond, myself, George Thompson, or even an angel. 
The Connnittee adjourned to have the matter discussed between Cajitain Stuart and 
myself. After this iutiTview with the Committee, the Captain writes me, requesting 
" i shall be glad, if agreeable to you, to sjiend part of to-morrow with yon, for the 
purpose of exploring your documentary evidence. My wish is, to take extracts 
from them, accompanied by your own views, in your own word.s, that J may transmit 
them for reply to my friends in the United States,— and I wish this, that it your views 
can be disjjroved, by any evidence with which I am not yet acquainted, I may be 
master cd'the disi)roof." 

From my reply to him, dated Edinburgh, November 4tli, I extract the following 
sentence ; — 

" If yourself, or any of your American friends (referring to Hirney and Stanton, the 
latter of whom I subsequently challenged to defend the charges made against Old 
organiziition, but he declined) should feel constrained to challenge a public discus- 



sioii, -wiUi respect to lli8 (barges pi>^feiTed against the American and Massacliii! 
Anti-Slavory Sociclies, I should not ft-el at liberty to decline, when my ' dociunen 
evidence,' as a matter of course, with my ' own views' in my 'own language,' wil 
at your service, and that of the public at large." 

Tlie day following I breakfasted with Captain Stuart, and challenged him to ho 
public discussion. He replied in the presence of the lady of the house, that he ci 
not, inasmuch as he knew nothing of the Anti-Slavery movements, with respect to 
division, since 1837 ! ! 

It may reasonably be inferred, from the following extract from Captain Stuart's li 
to the Glasgow Cojnmittee, of March 3d, that his refusal to meet them grew out of 
fact, that be was conscious of his inability to sustain the position assumed in his pri 
circular: — 

" 1 expect shortly, to make a trip of a few months to America, on my private aff 
As far as duty permits, I shall then further explore this question, as it coutinu 
develope itself, — and upon my return, shall probably make a pretty extensive i 
Slavery tour, for the communication of my information," &c. 

When he gets possession of the information he desires to obtain, he will the 
ajipears, " feel warranted, to turn a portion of his time and means, fi'om the d 
service of God and his fellow-men, in the indulgence of irrelevant, captious, and p 
ciuos questions." — So much for his challenging me in Edinburgh. 



AMERICAN AXTI-SLAYERY .TOUKXALS. 

The Aiili-Slavcry Newspapers, published Weekly, in the United States, whicl 
give cornet Auti-Slavery information, are: — 

THE LIBERATOR, by William Llovd GAKRisoN,;?nVe lOs. per annum. 

HERALD OF FREEDOIM, by Nathaniel P. Rogees, price 8s. per annuiii. 

PE>fNSYLVANIA FRERjNIAN, bv Charles C. Jivv.\.iGii, price 8s. p>r ahi. 

And the NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVERY STANDARD, by Lydia M. On 
price 1U.S-. ;;(■)• annum. 

These Journals may be regulai-ly received, oncc-a-fortnight, from either of the 
low^ing Agents in Cri-eat Britain : — 
E. PEASE, Darlington.— V^UAAAU SMEAL, Glasgow R. D, WEBB, Ih 



TO THE ABOLITIONISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. 

Dear Friends, — The cause of the oppressed. Negro in the United States mi 
sustained. The Abolitionists are now passing through a fiery ordeal. The suci 
which they have made, to sustain their Organizations, have been unequalled b; 
body of men, since the days of primitive Christianity. To raise money to suppoi 
American Anti-Slavery Society, some have sold their furniture, others have morti 
their prop^erty, some have thrown in their jewels, others have dispensed with the 
ordinary comforts of life, that the bondsman's cause might not be permitted tci 
Their language and their feelings are : — 

" Down let the shrine of Moloch sink. 

And leave no traces where it stood — 
Nor longer let its idol drink 

His daily cup of human blood." 

The Committee need funds to maintain their official organ, the ^'National Anfi-!si 
Standard," a large weekly periodical; — its Secretaries and Agents, — and to cin 
information on tlie subject of Emancipation over the United States. Any ai 
forwarded to Thomas Sturge, New Kent Road, London; Elizaheth I'ease, 
lington; Jane Wigham, and Mrs. H. Gairdner, Edinburgh; William Sj 
Glasgow; or R. 1). Webb, Dublin, will be forwarded to the Committee of the 
rican Anti-Slavery Society, by whom it will be duly acknowledged and faitl 
appropriated. 

Faithfully your Friend, 

J. A. COLLINS, 
Representative of the American Anti-Slavery St 



)^r WEBI! AND (IIAPMAN S STKAM PRESS, GT. BU TNS W ICK-STKEE; 



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